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screwball last won the day on October 2 2016

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  1. Iraq is a country with many ethnicities, sects and religions,” explains local political analyst Saeed Radi. “It’s very difficult for any one party to manage all affairs. A Shiite Muslim-dominated government would be hard pressed to know what Iraq’s Sunni Muslims and Kurds want and need.” Each province, no matter which sect or ethnicity the majority of its inhabitants are, has different needs. For example, the southern city of Basra suffers from a lack of water and power and it is also home to a large amount of poor people. Its people believe that if Basra had more autonomy then local officials could make better decisions more quickly and solve at least some of the city’s problems. Another example: The northern city of Mosul needs its state officials to be given more power over local security. Part of the reason that the Sunni Muslim extremist group, the Islamic State, currently dominates there is because many locals felt they were a better alternative than the Iraqi army, that had been stationed there and which was mainly made up of Shiite Muslim forces. However officials in these cities and provinces have been prevented from making many of their own decisions, with the government saying that they cannot make any moves without Baghdad’s prior approval. Article 122 of the Iraqi Constitution actually gives the provincial councils this power “in accordance with the principle of decentralized administration”, Article 110 limits the federal government’s powers to things like foreign and fiscal policy and Article 115 says that anything that the federal government isn’t responsible for, should be the responsibility of the provincial councils. But of course the Iraqi government headed by al-Maliki has been ignoring those stipulations. Some would say it is those kinds of tactics that have pushed Iraq closer to splitting, and becoming three different countries: Sunni, Shiite and Kurdish. “It really began when the federal government refused to apply Law 21, from the summer of 2013,” former judge and legal expert, Wael Abdul-Latif, told NIQASH. “That law would have forced the government to do as the Constitution told it and grant the provinces broader powers.” The amended version of Law 21 would have seen local governments choosing their own judiciary and their own heads of security. The law also gave them the power to deploy the Iraqi army inside and outside major cities; Baghdad is also obligated to consult with the local governor, should they wish to deploy the army in the province. In fact the amendment, Article 14, says “the governor shall have direct authority over all the apparatuses operating in the province which are tasked with security and with maintaining public order”. Law 21 would also have given the provinces more control over their own money and would have made some of them a lot richer. Law 21 would increase the percentage of money those provinces producing oil get. Article 44 of the Iraqi Constitution stipulates that, besides part of the federal budget, fees or fines and tax revenues, each province gets a percentage from any barrel of oil that is either produced or refined there; a similar stipulation exists regarding the production of natural gas. And Law 21 increases that amount significantly. For an oil-producing province like Basra with much poverty and lack of other resources like water, this would have been very important. “Conflicts between the provincial council and the federal government continue,” says Ahmad al-Sulaiti, the Basra council's vice-chairman, and a senior cleric from the Islamic Supreme Council of Iraq, another Shiite Muslim party that has allied itself with al-Maliki’s own mostly Shiite Muslim bloc in the past. “The government hasn’t given Basra any more financial powers even though we produce two thirds of Iraq’s oil. This is despite the passage of Law 21 which gave us more powers.” “The federal government hasn’t given the governor any powers over local security,” complains Ghazwan Hamed al-Daoudi, a representative of the local Shabak people on Ninawa’s provincial council; Mosul is the capital of the province. “For example, the law says that the governor is the one who is supposed to select the police chief here. But the federal government wouldn’t let him. The fall of Mosul to members of [Sunni Muslim extremist group] the Islamic State is partially due to the fact that security in Mosul was run by the Iraqi army, who managed things badly and who didn’t know how to deal with the local people. The provincial council would have done a far better job as they know the local people.” Prior to the current security crisis in Iraq, the heads of provincial councils from throughout the country had held meetings in December 2013 and then again in February 2014. The first meeting was held in Basra, the second in Baghdad and a third in Mosul. The meetings were supposed to send a message to the Prime Minister about the importance of granting the provincial authorities the powers they were entitled to. There have been demonstrations in Shiite Muslim majority provinces where protestors demanded better services. There were also demonstrations in the Sunni Muslim-majority areas, where locals wanted more power over their own security and the departure of an Iraqi army they felt was treating them unfairly and harshly. Even today the provincial councils are still asking that Law 21 be used. For some this law represents one way out of the mess the country is in, a way that leads the country away from splitting into three separate states. It wouldn’t require Constitutional amendments and it wouldn’t take years to work, just commitment from all parties. The question is: Is it still possible to use Law 21 or has it become impossible due to the current crisis and the last Iraqi government’s policies?
  3. This is why we have the law of governates or law of provinces it’s the revenue sharing agreement for oil distribution
  4. Iraq oil law (2007) The Iraq Oil Law, also referred to as the Iraq Hydrocarbon Law was a piece of legislation submitted to the Iraqi Council of Representatives in May 2007 that laid out a framework for the regulation and development of Iraq's oil fields.[1] Contents Start of processEdit The legislation started when the U.S.-backed Iraqi cabinet approved a new oil law that was set to give foreign companies the long-term contracts and the safe legal framework they have been waiting for. The law rattled labour unions and international campaigners, who say oil production should remain in the hands of Iraqis.[2] On March 10, 2007, prominent Iraqi parliamentarians, politicians, ex-ministers and oil technocrats urged the Baghdad parliament to reject Iraq's controversial hydrocarbon law, fearing that the new legislation would further divide the country already witnessing civil strife.[3] On April 28, 2007, discussions turned contentious among the more than 60 Iraqi oil officials reviewing Iraq's draft hydrocarbons bill in the United Arab Emirates. But the dispute highlighted the need for further negotiations on the proposed law that was stalled in talks for nearly eight months, then pushed through Iraq's Cabinet without most key provisions.[4] By December 2, 2007, The Bush administration was concerned that recent security gains in Iraq may be undermined by continuing political gridlock, and started pushing the Iraqi government to complete long-delayed reform legislation within six months.[5] Administrative law responseEdit On June 30, 2008, a group of American advisers led by a small State Department team played an integral part in drawing up contracts between the Iraqi government and five major Western oil companies to develop some of the largest fields in Iraq American officials say.[6] In June 2008, the Iraqi Oil Ministry announced plans to go ahead with small one- or two-year no-bid contracts to Exxon Mobil, Shell, Totaland BP — once partners in the Iraq Petroleum Company — along with Chevron and smaller firms to service Iraq’s largest fields.[7] Several United States senators had criticized the deal, arguing it was hindering efforts to pass the hydrocarbon law.[8] By July 1, 2008, Iraq's government invited foreign firms Monday to help boost the production of the country's major oil fields, beginning a global competition for access to the world's third-largest reserves. By February 2009, Iraq had "sweetened" the terms it was the offering international oil companies vying to develop the country’s reserves in the first concrete example of a global shift in power beginning to sweep through the oil industry. Iraq, which pre-qualified about 45 companies to bid on oil projects, plans to award contracts for the six partly developed and four undeveloped fields offered in its second licensing round by mid-December. HistoryEdit The Iraqi oil industry had been completely nationalized by 1972.[9][10] The government in the 1990s, under the presidency of Saddam Hussein, gave production share agreements (PSAs) to Russian and Chinese companies which gave a profit percentage of less than 10 percent.[9] The Bush administration hired the consulting firm BearingPoint to help write the law in 2004.[11][12] The bill was approved by the Iraqi cabinet in February 2007.[13] The Bush administration considers the passage of the law a benchmark for the government of Prime Minister Nuri Kamal al-Maliki.[14][15] One stumbling block was the unpopularity of the law, as it is perceived by the Iraqi people. An opinion poll conducted in 2007 by Oil Change International and other groups shows 63% of Iraqis surveyed would "prefer Iraq's oil to be developed and produced by Iraqi state-owned companies [than] by foreign companies". This explains why the law had stalled in the Iraqi parliament.[16] Profit sharingEdit The new law authorizes production share agreements (PSAs) which guarantees a profit for foreign oil companies.[9] The central government distributes remaining oil revenues throughout the nation on a per capita basis.[17] The draft law allows Iraq's provinces freedom from the central government in giving exploration and production contracts.[9] Iraq's constitution allows governorates to form a semi-independent regions, fully controlling their own natural resources.[9] Criticism of the new lawEdit Some critics have claimed that the new Iraqi Oil law was not needed since Iraq has the cheapest oil to extract.[18] Other analysts have claimed that the no-bid contracts given to U.S oil companies constitute exploitation since many non-U.S companies would give the same service for shorter contracts and lower percentage of revenue.[19][not in citation given]
  5. It would appear southern oil company also included.... Basra Oil Company (BOC) is a national Iraqi company responsible for the oil in the south of Iraq. It is situated in Basra. BOC is one of the major fundamental formations of the Iraq National Oil Company (INOC). It was the first nucleus and the basis of national direct investment projects in the 1970s, where the BOC was subsidiary to the national company.
  6. INOC was founded in 1966. In order to protect Iraqi national interests, the company was forbidden from entering into partnerships or granting concessions to foreign oil companies. The only foreign aid came in the form of the Iraq-Soviet Protocol, which was a contract with the Soviet Union that required the country to give technical and financial aid to INOC. By 1980, the company had a production capacity of 3 million barrels per day. However, the outbreak of war with Iran severely damaged production capacity. Subsequent war prevented the return to 1980 levels. The company was scrapped by Saddam Hussein in 1987 and broken into several regional companies. Starting in 2009, there was talk of rebuilding the INOC. Iraq is estimated to have 115 million barrels of oil in its reserves and it is expected that, barring any further setbacks, the INOC can reach production of 3.5 million barrels per day by 2014. There has been a bitter dispute in the Iraqi parliament since the fall of the Hussein government as to the portions of profits that will go to each of the three major groups. The Shiite, Sunni, and Kurdish factions have been unable to reach an agreement. The Kurdish faction has actually begun producing its oil fields, against the edict of the Ministry of Oil, and currently has a production capacity of 180,000 barrels of oil per day. The reason why I posted this is because it appears that Iraq has reinstated the old Iraq National Oil Company under the new National oil company. Saddam disbanded and split up the company and now it appears that they have now merged them back again ie: North oil company. Why are we waiting on a supposed new HCL and when it appears they have had one in place since 1987 and have just reverted back to it with no doubt amendments.
  7. Flogs....cbi governors signature or name goes on with new versions, means jack **** about going international
  8. We can only hope rupiah falls enough to give us a nice Christmas blessing or new year gift
  9. Partially agree, I don’t think they are ready and certainly won’t rush it, I just can’t see it..saying this though ..Iraq has always printed and released new currency and new versions in the month of September and October, except for them taking out the 50 iqd from circulation, so there is time for the lower denoms to pop out, I certainly want it now or anytime this year would be great but am very cautious, been in the investment way to long to get excited...I am here until the end no matter how long it takes.
  10. screwball

    Central Bank: Deletes zeros still exist

    Imf requirement August 2017.....sizeable fiscal adjustment and fiscal consolidation...hmmm
  11. Twilight News 2 hours ago The Iraqi parliament failed in its session on Tuesday to take a decision on the issuance and printing of the new local currency and raised controversy around it. "We need a special session on the work of the Central Bank, preceded by the introduction of data on the work of the Central Bank during the previous years," said Hassan al-Kaabi, first deputy chairman of the council. "The date for hosting the central bank governor will be set on Thursday," he said. The meeting was adjourned until Thursday. Last week saw the launch of the Central Bank of Iraq, the amounts of small currency categories to the market with changes to its design. The new edition of the thousand dinars category of Al-Ikhlas, where the new currency mediated by an Assyrian star preceded by the design of a statue, surrounded the circle where the Assyrian star words to include the marshes of Iraq on the list of world heritage 2016. The name and signature of the acting governor Ali Mohsen Ismail was added to the new currency design. Economic expert Salam Samisem revealed on Monday that the governor of the Central Bank of Iraq (AIP) had committed a "big offense" by putting his name on the Iraqi currency in its new form. "The change of signature is not something that is easy with a central bank governor. This signature is approved in the countries of the world, especially in international banks, which are members of the International Monetary Fund," Samisem told Ashqelat. "Is there any currency for a strong country where a person is named? ? Has the Iraqi dinar been crushed to such a degree that it is carried out in the name of a person? " "He pointed out that" what he has done a major violation, especially as a conservative acting, and should be held accountable for what he did in Iraqi currency, "noting that" the relationship wanted to put his fingerprint illegally with the end of the current government and his departure from office. " The economic expert explained that "the solution to what has done the relationship, is to withdraw the currency from the market and re-issued by the old signature." In this regard, the Central Bank said that during the clarification of this, "these currencies included writing the name of the governor instead of signing it in the old version, in line with what is now practiced in other countries. The dates were also amended Hijri and Gregorian dates (1440 H-2018). Last week saw the launch of the Central Bank of Iraq, the amounts of small currency categories to the market with changes to its design. Keywords:
  12. Parliament votes to include central measures on issuing the new currency within its agenda 12:57 - 09/10/2018 0 Information / Baghdad .. The House of Representatives voted on Tuesday to include the issue of the Central Bank's procedures regarding issuing the new currency within its agenda. "The House of Representatives voted during its meeting today to include the subject of the procedures of the Central Bank regarding the issuance of the new currency within the agenda of the Council," a parliamentary source told Al-Maaloumah. The House of Representatives held, on Tuesday, its fifth session under the chairmanship of First Deputy Hassan al-Kaabi and the presence of 183 deputies. Ending / 25 d
  13. The Central Bank issues a new edition of five categories of the Iraqi currency[/size] 02:41 - 07/10/2018 BAGHDAD - The Central Bank of Iraq issued Sunday its second edition of the banknotes of the categories (25000, 10000, 1000, 500, 250) dinars. "The bank has issued its second edition of the banknotes of the categories (25,000, 10,000, 1,000, 500 and 250) dinars," the bank said in a statement received by Mawazine News. "The circulation of the current notes will continue from the above categories With new categories without any intention to withdraw from trading. " He added that "variables here on the categories included writing the name of the governor instead of signing it in the old version, in line with what is now practiced in other countries, and the dates have been modified the Hijri and the Gregorian dates (1440 H - 2018). The bank said that "the face of the paper was changed in the category of (1000) dinars cash, where the slogan" the inclusion of marshes and the effects of southern Iraq on the list of world heritage, "instead of the image of the Islamic dinar in the old design, based on a decision in this regard in addition to writing the name of the governor Instead of signing it in the old version and modifying the Hijri and Gregorian dates to the two dates (1440 H -2018 AD). "

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