Blitz

#Iraq parliament session to approve cabinet postponed again until Thursday. Disagreement over interior minister fueling failure to meet against wider backdrop of splintering Shiite alliances. #Iraqi parliament convenes to vote on cabinet but without a quorum and after quite a lot of shouting and chanting by parliament members, speaker calls half-hour recess. We'll see if they come back. None of this of course carried live on state TV.

Thanks KristiD. Wasn’t trying to cause any kind of comotion. I am just trying to add to my collection. 😍

Have you sold the extra Dinar yet for $80?

$700?

r-iranian-backed-shiite-militia-chief-aims-to-lead-iraq-2018-5.htmlr-iranian-backed-shiite-militia-chief-aims-to-lead-iraq-2018-5.html

His guess is as good as any of the gurus that post about the Dinar!!! None of them are correct on anything!!!

There is an article out already about what they did

World Iraq's future is so bright some investors are wearing shades—and taking the 'long view' Dawn Kissi 21 hours ago Comments Like Reblog on Tumblr Share Tweet Email As Iraq's government battles against terrorists, a few investors aren't entirely deterred from seeing opportunities in the war-weary country, which has yet to ascend to formal emerging market status. Some are taking a "long view" that calibrates inherent risks against potential opportunities. Iraq is gradually emerging from a brutal two-year economic downturn, coupled with a bloody conflict with ISIS conflict and still percolating civil strife that has wreaked havoc on its infrastructure and institutions. Last month, one investor told CNBC a full-fledged economic revival would take at least a decade to come to fruition . Yet a 2105 State Department report noted Iraq's "long term potential" for U.S. investors, largely based on its status as the world's fifth largest repository of oil reserves and massive reconstruction and infrastructure development needs. "U.S. companies have opportunities to invest in security, energy, environment, construction, healthcare, agriculture, and infrastructure sectors," the report said, noting Iraq's voracious import demand needs. Meanwhile, a few experts point to the oil rich country's vast natural resources, and a youthful and growing population that provides it with the manpower to achieve stability—eventually. Along with a growth rate predicted to top 7 percent this year, Iraq's underlying fundamentals make it a golden opportunity for investors brave enough to look beyond the sound and fury. So where might crafty investors place their faith—and funds? "Two major themes will drive Iraq's revival over the immediate and long term," Ahmed Tabaqchali, chief investment officer of the Iraq Fund at Hong Kong-based Asia Frontier Capital told CNBC recently. The firm specializes in frontier and exotic investments. Tabaqchali explained that rebuilding with the country's booming population in mind should help drive growth. "Wholesale infrastructure, careful rebuilding of the economy and reconstruction of ISIS-liberated areas are key," he told CNBC in an interview from London, as will consumer consumption. "Iraq's young population is hungry to catch up with the rest of the world after all the years of conflict," he added. As it stands, the stock market isn't an ideal place to park money, Tabaqchali added, citing figures that show less than 20 percent of Iraq's population holds an active bank account. Credit to the private sector currently stands at around 6.8 percent of 2014 growth, the fund manager said—which could benefit from the adoption of the "banking culture" that exists in more developed nations. As the fog of war dissipates, telecommunications, mobile and Internet also stand to benefit, Tabaqchali added. First, the war-torn country must guard its assets against terror and collateral damage, said Asha Mehta, lead portfolio manager of Acadian Asset Management, which holds around $70 billion under management) in developing market assets. Currently, Iraq lacks a formal financial custodian that can hold funds. Without confidence that invested capital will be returned—and because Iraqi markets are generally illiquid—direct investment opportunities are limited for most investors. However, Mehta points to recent positive developments that can ease investor concerns, including a financial lifeline from the International Monetary Fund, rising commodity prices and strong growth. Just this week, the IMF completed a review of a more than $5 billion tranche of funding that will immediately free up around $618 million. It all creates what Mehta called "bottom up opportunities …[in] a volatile market." The long-view requires not only patience, but a solid time horizon tied to real progress on the social front. "Returns may be sentiment driven, so even thinly traded markets such as Iraq have the potential to boast strong returns. For example, progress on the military front in Iraq could be a catalyst for market level returns," said Mehta. Comments (4)Comment Guidelines Post

Representational file photo. Representational file photo. (IraqiNews.com) Baghdad – The International Monetary Fund provided an emergency aid to Iraq worth $ 1.2 billion to address the economic consequences resulting from ISIS attack and the deterioration of oil prices. The IMF said in a statement followed by IraqiNews.com, “This loan will help Iraq in the face of this double shock suffered by the Iraqi budget and caused the reduction of cash reserves. The IMF said that this assistance will allow Iraq to face the “urgent needs” to finance the country. The International Monetary Fund awarded Iraq in 2010 a credit line worth 3.5 billion dollars ended up in the beginning of 2013.

Doesn't sound like Iraq will be getting the apache helicopters any time soon.

U.S. ambivalence runs deep as Iraq violence revives Facebook 2 Twitter 10 ASSOCIATED PRESS A man clears debris after clashes in Fallouja, Iraq. A debate has emerged in Washington as fighters from Al Qaeda-linked Islamic State of Iraq and Syria have overrun parts of Anbar province in Iraq. ADVERTISEMENT Related Content U.S. response muted to Al Qaeda affiliate's gains in Syria and Iraq Distrust hinders U.S.-Iraq fight against resurgent Al Qaeda militants Maliki calls on Iraqis to expel Al Qaeda from Anbar or face attack BY DAVID S. CLOUD January 10, 2014, 7:58 p.m. WASHINGTON — Zach Iscol was a Marine captain in 2004 when his platoon — a combined unit of 30 Iraqis and 20 Americans — seized the railroad station on the first night of the bloody battle of Fallouja. They spent a week kicking in doors and fighting house to house, block by block, in some of the toughest urban combat of America's eight-year war in Iraq. Half a dozen of Iscol's men were wounded, but dozens of Marines in other squads were killed. Today, with ground that Marines fought and died for under control of insurgents flying the banner of Al Qaeda, and growing fears of another civil war, Iscol admits he has deeply conflicting views about the U.S. military withdrawal from Iraq in 2011. "Part of me feels like we need to be supporting our allies … and part of me feels like we shouldn't waste any more American blood in that part of the world," Iscol, who retired from the Marines in 2007, said Friday. His ambivalence mirrors the debate that has reemerged in Washington as fighters from Al Qaeda-linked Islamic State of Iraq and Syria have overrun parts of Iraq's Anbar province, including the provincial capital, Ramadi, and Fallouja. The fighting has left hundreds of civilians, soldiers and militants dead and forced thousands of families to flee. "There are a lot of things that can be done to help Iraq, but everyone is talking in the immediate term and there's very little we can do in the immediate term," said Douglas Ollivant, a retired Army officer who was a senior planner in Baghdad in 2006 and 2007. With declining U.S. leverage in Iraq since the withdrawal, the Obama administration has focused on trying to help without risking U.S. lives or taking sides in what amounts to sectarian fighting between the Shiite-dominated government in Baghdad and its tribal allies against Sunni insurgents in Anbar. The Pentagon rushed 75 Hellfire missiles, which can be fired from Iraqi helicopters or airplanes, to Baghdad in mid-December. Officials said they would speed up delivery of 100 additional missiles, as well as ScanEagle surveillance drones, in coming weeks. A senior Defense official said the U.S. was also likely to send Iraq rush shipments of small arms and ammunition. But White House officials, Pentagon commanders and lawmakers in Congress have stopped short of calling for major new U.S. assistance to help Prime Minister Nouri Maliki's embattled government regain control, or to stop the spillover of violent extremists from the civil war raging in neighboring Syria. Sending U.S. troops back, even as advisors, isn't under consideration in either Baghdad or Washington. Senior U.S. officials, led by Vice President Joe Biden, have urged Maliki to show restraint and to seek support from local Sunni leaders rather than launching a military assault on Fallouja, which sits in the heartland of the Sunni minority, and risking a bloodbath. Aides say the administration is pushing Maliki to accept a two-part strategy: using military force to battle the insurgents, while reaching out for political reconciliation with Sunni leaders and groups who are caught in the middle. But the White House is reluctant to get too involved for fear it will be drawn into the conflict. The administration also sought to break a logjam in Congress, where key lawmakers have blocked a White House proposal since July to sell as many as 30 Apache heavily armed attack helicopters to Iraq, and to lease 10 more. The chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, Robert Menendez (D-N.J.), has held up the sale out of concern that Maliki's forces would use the helicopters against Sunni civilians, not just insurgents. But Menendez and his allies signaled this week that they might reconsider after they received a letter from Maliki and a promise from the State Department to address their demand for U.S. monitoring of Iraq's use of the helicopters. "The question is whether the Maliki government would use those aircraft … only against violent extremists … and not to further sectarian political objectives," Sen. Carl Levin (D-Mich.), chairman of the Armed Services Committee, said Thursday on the Senate floor. "With credible assurances, it would be appropriate to provide such assistance." Adam Sharon, a committee spokesman, said Friday that the administration was addressing Menendez's concern so the sale could proceed. Even if the Apache deal is approved, delivery of the first aircraft is likely to be months away. They thus probably will not be available for any military operation aimed at retaking Fallouja and Ramadi, another insurgent stronghold that once saw heavy U.S. fighting and casualties. The Pentagon is also drafting a plan to begin training small groups of Iraqi soldiers in a third country, possibly Jordan, according to a senior U.S. official. The plan, first reported by the Wall Street Journal, is in the early stages and has not been approved by officials in the administration or in Iraq or Jordan, the U.S. official said. Iraq has periodically allowed U.S. special forces teams into the country to train its troops, the only remnant of the once-vast American training effort. Like the Apache helicopter sales, new training programs are not likely to help Iraq through its current crisis in Anbar. The U.S. began secretly flying unarmed surveillance drones over western Iraq in November and shared the intelligence with Maliki's government. But Maliki, who is wary of appearing to be in America's sway, ordered the flights halted last month and has not allowed them to resume, officials said. With few Americans paying attention, or eager to reengage with Iraq, its troubles may stay under the radar in Washington — except for those who fought in the unpopular war. "We used to plant the flag in the ground and say, 'These are our allies,' " said Iscol, the Marine captain who fought in Fallouja in 2004 and now runs a high-tech employment company in Brooklyn, N.Y. "Now I'd say it's in our national character that we turn our back on our allies." david.cloud@latimes.com ADVERTISEMENT Good read about the apache helicopters deals

How much?

@AyadAllawi: The increase of #foreign_intervention and the regional changes may lead to grave disasters in #Iraq

@AyadAllawi: The Iraqi people reject foreign interference and denounce the failures of the government in all areas. #Iraq

This is from another site...........The Iraq government and the Central Bank have published news reports of deleting the three zero’s. Deleting the three zero’s means the printing and distribution of new Iraq dinar currency. An article that was published in May 2013 details changes that would have occurred if the printing of the new currency would have taken place. The article states that the former governor Dr. Sinan al-Shabibi has been replaced, the deleting the three zero’s will not take place. I believe the last statement to be false as the new currency will be implemented in the future. Word on the street is sometime after the 2014 national elections. I would also like to point out in the article that it gives a clue of the exchange rate when the new Iraq dinar currency is distributed. The article states a “one dinar be equaled to one US dollar or so.” Thank you for reading and please comment below. The above is from AC...

The violence has spanned the country, with an assassination attempt, explosions, shootings, and a series of bombings in Baghdad this week alone. Can the government bring the situation under control? • A daily summary of global reports on security issues. More than 500 people were killed in Iraq in May, about 120 of them since May 27 alone, making it the deadliest month since June 2008, according to the United Nations. The uptick in violence has put increased pressure on the government to prove its ability to keep sectarian tensions under control and prevent the country from spiraling into a renewed civil war. The death toll prompted a warning from UN special representative to Iraq, Martin Kobler. "Systemic violence is ready to explode at any moment if all Iraqi leaders do not engage immediately to pull the country out of this mayhem," Mr. Kobler said in Baghdad, according to CNN. RECOMMENDED: Think you know the Middle East? Take our geography quiz. The violence has spanned the country, with a failed assassination against Anbar Province's governor, explosions and shootings in Mosul, and a series of bombings in Baghdad this week alone. The deaths stem from an explosion of Iraq's constantly simmering Sunni-Shiite tensions, which were sparked earlier this year by Sunni protests throughout the country against their political marginalization. The situation escalated last month, after security forces violently dispersed a Sunni protest camp. Under former dictator Saddam Hussein, Iraq's Sunni minority had outsized political influence. Since coming into government following the US toppling of Mr. Hussein's government, Iraq's long sidelined Shiite majority has steadily consolidated political power, excluding Sunni officials. That the recent violence has targeted both Sunnis and Shiites is telling. Sunni insurgent forces, most notably Al Qaeda in Iraq, "have long targeted Iraq's Shiite majority and government security forces. But Sunni mosques and other targets have also been struck over the past several weeks, raising the possibility that Shiite militias are also growing more active," the Associated Press reports. The government is under pressure to prove it is capable of curtailing the violence. It has imposed a ban on many cars in Baghdad in an effort to thwart additional car bombings and footage of Prime Minister Nour al-Maliki inspecting checkpoints throughout the city was broadcast on state television, AP reports. “These daily patterns of car bomb attacks … in Baghdad and some other cities (are) really unacceptable for the people of Iraq, who have suffered so much,” Foreign Minister Hoshyar Zebari said Thursday. “It’s the government’s responsibility to redouble its efforts, to revise its security plans, to contain this wave, to prevent it from sliding into sectarian conflict and war,” he added. “That should not happen again.” A predominant concern among Iraq observers is that the government is too weak to bring the current situation under control. “Iraq is a reactor that’s overheating and there’s little coolant available,” Ramzy Mardini, an analyst at the Beirut-based Iraq Institute for Strategic Studies, told AP. “Iraq’s nascent politics is not equipped to sustain the current dangerous levels of internal and external pressure. There needs to be an off-ramp to relieve some of the pressure.” Mushreq Abbas, a contributor to Al Monitor and managing editor of Al Hayat's Iraq bureau, writes that one of the clearest signs of the country's fragility is the reemergence of the term "death squad," which was used during Iraq's civil war to describe the groups of both Sunnis and Shiites who carried out "killings based on ID cards." Rumors about false checkpoints set up throughout Baghdad for the purpose of checking IDs have run rife. The interior ministry has denied the reports, but that has not stemmed panic. Mr. Abbas writes that the elimination of these death squads is one of Mr. Maliki's biggest achievements. It could be said that the major achievement made by Maliki throughout his rule, which began in 2006, is eliminating the death squads through the so-called Saulat al-Fursan [Charge of the Nights] military operations. These operations were followed by a large-scale cleansing of the security forces, which included hundreds of officers and soldiers who were believed to be involved in one way or another in the establishment of the death squads. This achievement is not only about Maliki himself, as head of the government or leader of the State of Law Coalition, but mainly about the people’s trust in the security services, and whether or not this trust will be undermined by high rates of violence and the return of various aspects of the civil war. However, Abbas continues, the security and military forces are still accused of favoring Shiites over Sunnis, and Maliki's party over others, and they have not made enough of an effort to show that they are first and foremost "protectors and defenders of the people against terrorist acts." With government legitimacy tenuous and the proliferation of insurgent groups, there seem to be few options for arresting the country's spiraling violence. Abbas writes: "Today, the urgent question in the streets of Baghdad is, 'Have all opportunities to prevent a civil war been squandered?'" RECOMMENDED: Think you know the Middle East? Take our geography quiz. Related stories Think you know the Middle East? Take our geography quiz. Terrorism & Security In first month after US exit, Iraq's sectarian clashes have killed 170 Terrorism & Security Car bombings hit Shiite pilgrimage, underscoring Iraq's sectarian divide Read this story at csmonitor.com

BAGHDAD (AP) — Officials in Iraq are growing increasingly concerned over an unabated spike in violence that claimed at least another 33 lives on Thursday and is reviving fears of a return to widespread sectarian fighting. Authorities announced plans to impose a sweeping ban on many cars across the Iraqi capital starting early Friday in an apparent effort to thwart car bombings, as the United Nations envoy to Iraq warned that "systemic violence is ready to explode." Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki, meanwhile, was shown on state television visiting security checkpoints around Baghdad the previous night as part of a three-hour inspection tour, underscoring the government's efforts to show it is acting to curtail the bloodshed. Iraqi security forces are struggling to contain the country's most relentless round of violence since the 2011 U.S. military withdrawal. The rise in violence follows months of protests against the Shiite-led government by Iraq's Sunni minority, many of whom feel they've been marginalized and unfairly treated since the 2003 U.S.-led invasion. Tensions escalated sharply last month after a deadly crackdown by security forces on a Sunni protest camp. Sunni militants, including al-Qaida, have long targeted Iraq's Shiite majority and government security forces. But Sunni mosques and other targets have also been struck over the past several weeks, raising the possibility that Shiite militias are also growing more active. Several members of the security forces were killed in Thursday's bombings. The attacks also included an assassination attempt by a suicide bomber targeting a provincial governor in the country's Sunni-dominated west. "These daily patterns of car bomb attacks ... in Baghdad and some other cities (are) really unacceptable for the people of Iraq, who have suffered so much," Foreign Minister Hoshyar Zebari said Thursday. "It's the government's responsibility to redouble its efforts, to revise its security plans, to contain this wave, to prevent it from sliding into sectarian conflict and war," he added. "That should not happen again." The spike in violence, which has gained momentum since the middle of the month, is raising worries that Iraq is heading back toward the widespread sectarian bloodletting that spiked in 2006 and 2007 and pushed the country to the brink of civil war. More than 500 people have been killed in May. The month before was Iraq's deadliest since June 2008, according to a United Nations tally that put April's death toll at more than 700. "Iraq is a reactor that's overheating and there's little coolant available," said Ramzy Mardini, an analyst at the Beirut-based Iraq Institute for Strategic Studies. "Iraq's nascent politics is not equipped to sustain the current dangerous levels of internal and external pressure. There needs to be an off-ramp to relieve some of the pressure." The vehicle ban coming into effect Friday applies to cars bearing temporary black license plates. Those plates are common in post-war Iraq, where for years it was difficult to obtain new ones. They are typically on older-model vehicles and are more difficult to trace, and authorities say they are frequently used in car bombings. Most of Thursday's blasts erupted in Baghdad. Car bombs killed four in the northeastern Shiite neighborhood of Binouq, and three died in a bombing at a market selling spare car parts in central Baghdad, according to police. In Baghdad's eastern Shiite Ur neighborhood, a parked car bomb went off next to an army patrol, killing four and wounding 17, police said. Police officials also said that a roadside bomb exploded near a police patrol in the largely Shiite central commercial district of Karradah, killing three people there. That explosion shattered glass on several storefronts and left the stricken police unit's modified Ford pickup truck charred and mangled. "What have these innocent people done to deserve this?" asked witness Sinan Ali. "So many people were hurt. Who is responsible?" In Baghdad's northern Shiite neighborhood of Shaab, a car bomb exploded in a commercial area, killing six civilians and wounding 17 others. In the largely Sunni neighborhood of Azamiyah in the capital's north, a car bomb struck near a military convoy, killing three people, including two soldiers, according to police. Another 14 people were wounded in that attack. A bomb hidden on a minibus killed three and maimed eight in the eastern mixed Sunni-Shiite New Baghdad neighborhood. And a police patrol was struck in the southern neighborhood of Saydiyah, wounding six. Hospital officials confirmed the casualties. In Anbar province, the provincial governor escaped an assassination attempt when a suicide bomber rammed his explosive-laden car into his convoy, his deputy Dhari Arkan said. The governor escaped unharmed, but four of his guards were wounded. Anbar is a vast Sunni-dominated province west of Baghdad that for months has been the center of protests against the Shiite-led government. In the former insurgent stronghold city of Mosul, about 360 kilometers (225 miles) northwest of Baghdad, a suicide bomber attacked a federal police checkpoint, killing three people, according to police. And to the west of Mosul, a suicide attacker drove his explosives-packed car into a security checkpoint, killing two members of the security forces and two civilians, according to a police officer and a doctor. Eight other people were wounded in the attacks in the town of Tal Afar, they added. All officials spoke on condition of anonymity because they weren't authorized to talk to the media. The United Nations envoy to Iraq, Martin Kobler, urged Iraqi leaders to do more to "pull the country out of this mayhem." "Systemic violence is ready to explode at any moment," he said in a statement. There was no immediate claim of responsibility for the attacks but blame for many of the attacks is likely to fall on al-Qaida's Iraq arm, which frequently carries out bombings against civilians and security forces in an effort to undermine faith in the Shiite-led government. Other militant groups have also grown more active in recent months, including the Army of the Men of the Naqshabandi Order, which has ties to members of Saddam Hussein's now-outlawed Baath party. The attacks began hours after bomb blasts tore through two Baghdad neighborhoods Wednesday evening, killing at least 30, including several members of a wedding party in the mixed Sunni-Shiite Jihad neighborhood. ___ Associated Press writers Qassim Abdul-Zahra and Sinan Salaheddin contributed to this story. ___ Follow Adam Schreck on Twitter at http://twitter.com/adamschreck

http://www.foreignpolicy.com/articles/2013/05/15/yes_iraq_is_unraveling

BAGHDAD (AP) — New attacks in Iraq killed seven people and wounded dozens on Tuesday, officials said, after a bloody day that claimed more than 100 lives across the country. A suicide bomber set off his explosives-laden vest at a military checkpoint in the town of Tarmiyah, 50 kilometers (30 miles) north of Baghdad. The blast was followed by militants who opened fire at the Iraqi troops, killing three soldiers and wounding nine, a police official said. A medical official confirmed the causality figures. Both officials spoke on condition of anonymity because they were not authorized to talk to the media. Meanwhile, in the northern city of Tuz Khormato, two parked car bombs went off simultaneously, killing three civilians and wounding 38 people, said Mayor Shalal Abdool. The town is about 200 kilometers (130 miles) north of the Iraqi capital. And in Kirkuk, 290 kilometers (180 miles) north of Baghdad, three bombs exploded back-to-back at a sheep market, killing one person and wounding 25, police Col. Taha Salaheddin said. The attacks came as authorities raised the death toll from Monday's wave of bloodshed — a series of blitz attacks stretching from north of Baghdad to the southern city of Basra and targeting bus stops, open-air markets and rush-hour crows — to 113 from 95, after many of the wounded died of their injuries. No one has so far claimed responsibility for the attacks, but such systematic carnage carries the hallmarks of the two sides that brought nearly nonstop chaos to Iraq for years: Sunni insurgents, including al-Qaida's branch in Iraq, and Shiite militias defending their newfound power after Saddam Hussein's fall. The latest spiral of violence, which targeted both Sunni and Shiite communities, has increased fears that Iraq is sliding back to the brink of civil war. Hours after Monday's stunning bombings, Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki accused militant groups of trying to exploit Iraq's political instability and vowed to resist attempts to "bring back the atmosphere of the sectarian war." Sectarian tensions have been worsening since Iraq's minority Sunnis began expanding protests over what they say is mistreatment at the hands of the Shiite-led government. Many Sunnis contend that much of the country's current turmoil is rooted in the policies of al-Maliki's government, which they accuse of feeding sectarian tension by becoming more aggressive toward Sunnis after the U.S. military withdrawal in December 2011. Mass demonstrations by Sunnis, which began in December, have largely been peaceful. However, the number of attacks rose sharply after a deadly security crackdown on a Sunni protest camp in northern Iraq on April 23.

BAGHDAD (AP) — Here is a look at the deadliest attacks in Iraq since the withdrawal of U.S. troops on Dec. 18, 2011: —May 20, 2013: A wave of attacks, some at markets and in rush hour crowds, kills 113 people in Shiite and Sunni areas. —May 18, 2013: Shootings and bombings kill at least 16 people, including an anti-terrorism police captain and his family. —May 17, 2013: Bombs rip through Sunni areas in Baghdad and surrounding areas, killing at least 76 people. —May 16, 2013: Car bombs hit Shiite neighborhoods in Baghdad and attacks elsewhere in the country leave 21 people dead. —May 15, 2013: A car bomb goes off near a bus station in Baghdad's main Shiite district, the deadliest of explosions that killed at least 33 people nationwide. —May 14, 2013: A convoy of gunmen opens fire on a row of liquor stores in eastern Baghdad, killing 11 people. —April 29, 2013: A wave of car bomb blasts tears through Shiite areas south of Baghdad, killing at least 36. —April 25, 2013: More than 40 people are reported killed in fighting in the key northern city of Mosul. —April 24, 2013: Clashes between the army and armed Sunni tribesmen who sealed off a central Iraqi town kill 22 people. —April 23, 2013: Security forces storm a Sunni protest camp in the north, sparking deadly clashes in several towns, which combined with other attacks leave 56 people dead. —April 18, 2013: A suicide bomber detonated explosives at a Baghdad cafe crowded with young people, killing 32 people. —April 15, 2013: At least 36 are killed in string of attacks across the country ahead of provincial elections. —April 6, 2013: A suicide bomber blows himself up at a lunch hosted by a Sunni candidate ahead of regional elections, killing 20 people. —Mar. 19, 2013: Insurgents carry out a wave of bombings that kills at least 65 people on the eve of the 10th anniversary of the U.S.-led invasion. An al-Qaida in Iraq front group claims responsibility. —Mar. 14, 2013: Militants unleash a carefully planned assault on the Justice Ministry, killing 30. —Mar. 4, 2013: Gunmen attack a convoy of Syrian soldiers who had crossed into Iraq for refuge, killing 48. —Feb. 17, 2013: Car bombs tear through shopping areas in Shiite neighborhoods in Baghdad, killing at least 37. —Jan. 23, 2013: A suicide bomber strikes a packed funeral ceremony at a Shiite mosque in northern Iraq, killing at least 25. —Jan. 17, 2013: Insurgents unleash a string of bomb attacks mainly targeting Shiite Muslim pilgrims across Iraq, killing at least 26. —Jan. 16, 2013: A wave of bombings against the offices of a major Kurdish party and Kurdish security forces headquarters in Kirkuk province kills at least 33. —Nov. 27, 2012: Insurgents launch attacks against Shiite mosques, security forces, and other targets in central and northern Iraq, killing at least 30. —Nov. 6, 2012: A suicide bomber detonates his explosives-laden car near a military base north of Baghdad, killing at least 33. —Sept. 9, 2012: Insurgents gun down soldiers at an army post, bomb police recruits waiting in line to apply for jobs, and stage other attacks that kill 92. —Aug. 16, 2012: A blistering string of bombings and shootings across the country kills at least 93. —July 23, 2012: Attacks aimed largely at security forces kill 115 in the country's deadliest single day in two years. —July 3, 2012: Bombs pound six cities and towns, killing some 40 and raising suspicion that security forces may be assisting attacks on Shiites. —June 13, 2012: Car bombs target an annual Shiite pilgrimage, killing 72 people in 16 separate explosions. —April 19, 2012: Bombs rip through 10 Iraqi cities, killing at least 30 and shattering a month of relative calm. Al-Qaida later says the attacks aimed to punish the Shiite-led government and its allies. —March 20, 2012: Insurgents bent on derailing an Arab League meeting in Baghdad kill 46 in attacks on Shiite pilgrims in the holy city of Karbala, bombings in Kirkuk, and strikes on security and government officials around the country. —Feb. 23, 2012: Attackers kill at least 55 as car bombs go off near an elementary school in the town of Musayyib, a restaurant in a Shiite neighborhood in Baghdad, and various checkpoints and secure areas. —Jan. 28, 2012: A suicide car bomber strikes a Shiite funeral procession, killing 33 in southwestern Baghdad. —Jan. 14, 2012: A bomb tears through a procession of Shiite pilgrims in southern Iraq, killing at least 53. —Jan. 5, 2012: Coordinated bombings target Shiite Muslims, killing 78 in Baghdad and near the southern city of Nasiriyah, just days before a Shiite holy day. —Dec. 22, 2011: Attackers hit markets, cafes and government buildings in mostly Shiite neighborhoods of Baghdad, killing 69 people.

BAGHDAD (Reuters) - Iraq has suspended the licenses of satellite news network Al Jazeera and nine other channels, accusing them of inciting violence through their coverage of recent sectarian clashes. The Communication and Media Commission (CMC) regulator criticized their reporting of violence triggered by a security forces raid on a Sunni Muslim protest camp in Hawija on Tuesday. None of the channels was immediately available for comment. More than 170 people have been killed in the fighting - the worst Iraq has seen since Sunnis started staging protests in December to complain about their treatment by Prime Minister Nuri al-Maliki's Shi'ite-led government. The watchdog said sectarian language used in the reports encouraged "criminal acts of revenge by attacking the security forces". "The CMC sees in the speech and content propagated by the channels...an incitement and escalation which leans towards misleading and exaggeration more than towards objectivity," the watchdog said in a statement published on Sunday. Most of the channels, including local stations such as "Baghdad" and "al-Sharqiya", are pro-Sunni and often critical of the Shi'ite-led government. Al Jazeera is based in Qatar, a Sunni-ruled kingdom. The watchdog is powerless to stop the channels broadcasting, but may make it harder for their local staff to cover events. Media rights group the Iraqi Journalistic Freedoms Observatory said the CMC was biased, as some officials in the body had been appointed by the government. "We do not deny there is an incitement to violence by some media outlets, but we consider the suspension of licenses of 10 satellite channels a blow for democracy," the Observatory's Executive Director Ziyad al-Ajili told Reuters. Last June, the CMC ordered the closure of 44 media outlets including the BBC and Voice of America. It does not have the power to stop them broadcasting from overseas. Violence, including bomb attacks that have killed dozens of people at a time, has increased across Iraq this year. Provisional figures from rights group Iraq Body Count indicate about 1,365 people have been killed so far in 2013. (Reporting by Aseel Kami; Editing by Isabel Coles and Angus MacSwan)

@janearraf: The drama continues - #Iraq spokesman confirms Maliki suspending Kurdish cabinet ministers engaged in boycott, to appoint acting ministers.

Posted Today, 06:15 AM Anyone seen Hoosier? Bet he was a pumper, got his bank story in, dinar sales went up, and then he never shows up again!

By Henri J. Barkey March 26, 2013 Iraq is on its way to dissolution, and the United States is doing nothing to stop it. And if you ask people in Iraq, it may even be abetting it. With very few exceptions, an important event in Iraq went unnoticed in the U.S. media this month. Prime Minister Nouri Maliki sent a force that included helicopters to western Iraq to arrest Rafi Issawi, the former finance minister and a leading Sunni Arab opposition member. Issawi, who was protected by armed members of the Abu Risha clan, one of post-2003 Iraq's most powerful Sunni tribes, escaped capture. This action came on the heels of Maliki's telephone conversation with Secretary of State John F. Kerry and took Washington by surprise. Had a confrontation ensued, the results would have been calamitous. It could even have provided the spark for the beginning of a civil war. Still, Maliki's actions represent another nail in the coffin for a unified Iraq. Maliki, a Shiite Muslim, had previously accused Vice President Tariq Hashimi, a leading Sunni political figure, of terrorism, forcing him to flee Iraq in 2011. Hashimi was subsequently tried in absentia and sentenced to death. Maliki's policies have significantly raised tensions in the Sunni regions of Iraq. There are demonstrations in many of the Sunni provinces that seek to emulate those of the Arab Spring. They are one reason Maliki has targeted Issawi. He wants to contain the dissent before it spreads. Maliki's confrontational and increasingly dictatorial style has also alienated Iraqi Kurds, who, unlike the Sunnis, have succeeded in having the Iraqi Constitution recognize their federal region and the Kurdistan regional government. The Kurds, for all intents and purposes, run an autonomous area with its own defense forces. However, the relationship between Baghdad and the Kurdish regional capital of Irbil has become severely strained as the central government has made cooperation difficult, if not impossible. Baghdad, ostensibly, is angry at the Kurds' attempts to make independent deals with foreign oil companies. But at the heart of Maliki's policies is his unease with the developments in Syria. Convinced that Syrian President Bashar Assad, who belongs to the Shiite-related Alawite sect, is on his way out, Maliki fears a tidal wave of Sunni fighters will cross the border to rekindle the civil war that has threatened to erupt in Iraq since the U.S. occupation. He thinks the Kurds have established their region and that their independence is only a matter of time. Hence, his primary concern is to solidify his control over the Shiite Muslim regions and Baghdad. Maliki's increasingly dictatorial tendencies are ensuring that the country will split along sectarian and ethnic lines. This is not what the United States wants, nor is it conducive to stability in the region, as Iraq would succumb to the interference of its often-rapacious neighbors. Washington has abetted the process by playing into Maliki's hands. It seems every time the U.S. engages Maliki, he feels emboldened and takes risks. Washington has not tried to contain him. Take, for example, the U.S. relationship with the Kurdish regional government. The Kurds complain that Washington has been siding with Baghdad at their expense. From the oil deals to simple education exchanges, Washington seems petrified about crossing Maliki. What explains this seeming American inattention to Iraq's deepening problems? One possible explanation is that the U.S. sees support for Maliki as a last-ditch effort to contain the Shiites in Iraq and prevent them from becoming Iran's wholly owned subsidiary. After all, Iran exerts a great deal of influence in the Shiite provinces of Iraq and is likely to increase its hold in Iraq as sectarian tensions intensify, especially if Syria collapses. Making matters worse is the absence of Iraqi President Jalal Talabani, a Kurd, who suffered a stroke in December and is being treated in Germany. Wily and savvy, Talabani's primary function was to provide adult supervision to all the quarreling parties in Baghdad. His illness has created a dangerous vacuum. It is unlikely that anyone will replace him any time soon because within the Kurdish regional government, where he is revered, any mention of succession is taboo. Iraq may be destined for a breakup. But the way to prevent it is not by strengthening the hand of the one person who is most responsible for pushing the parties apart. The answer is for Iraq to further develop its federal structures, make Baghdad a federal district and devolve power to the provinces. Then it needs to create a stake for all to want to remain within such a federation. Decentralization with a promise of equitable sharing of the country's oil revenue is the only glue that will hold the country together. The next time Maliki, buoyed by real or imagined U.S. support, resorts to force against his opposition, the outcome may not end as quietly as it did in the Issawi incident. Henri J. Barkey is a professor of international relations at Lehigh University. Copyright © 2013, Los Angeles Times

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