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Energy News Update Iraq Says Last Obstacle to Shell Gas Deal Removed The Iraqi Oil Ministry and Royal Dutch Shell PLC have removed the last obstacle preventing them from signing a long-awaited $12 billion joint-venture deal, a senior Iraqi oil official said Tuesday. The main dispute was over the rights of export. Shell, along with its partner Mitsubishi Corp. of Japan, wanted to handle exports, while under current Iraqi hydrocarbon laws the Iraqi State Oil Marketing Organization should do so. "The issue is nearly resolved," Ali H. Khudhier, head of the state-run South Gas Co. said in an interview in his office in Zubair, south of Basra. "Shell wanted to handle exports, but now it is agreed that SOMO would handle export," he said. Shell, however, has asked for further discussions as it needs to install an export mechanism, he said. Last week, the energy committee at the Iraqi Council of Ministers asked the Oil Ministry to review the Shell draft deal, which aims to capture and exploit millions of cubic feet a day of gas flared from four supergiant oil fields near Basra. The gas project is crucial to Baghdad's ambitious oil expansion, which will also boost much-needed power generation in Iraq. "Once the energy committee approves the recent changes, we need to sit with Shell to adjust these changes in the draft contract," Mr. Khudhier said. He preferred not to give a specific date for signing the deal, but he said it could happen in a matter of weeks. The joint venture—Basrah Gas Co., or BGC—will process associated gas produced from three supergiant Iraqi fields—Rumaila, West Qurna 1 and Zubair—all located in Basra. The three fields are being developed by international oil companies. "We are expecting these three fields to produce up to three billion cubic feet a day in the coming six to seven years," Mr. Khudhier said. In total, the three fields are currently producing some 1.05 billion cubic feet a day, but only 450 million cubic feet a day are utilized while the rest is flared, he said. The project is vital to Shell's strategy of positioning itself as a leading gas supplier and producer in the Middle East. After domestic needs are met, an LNG terminal will be built in the Gulf to handle the export of 600 million cubic feet a day. "The extra gas will be exported to East Asia and Gulf states including Kuwait and the United Arab Emirates," Mr. Khudhier said. He also said Iraq could revive a disused pipeline to export gas to Kuwait. "If the Kuwaitis want to import gas from us, we are ready to supply them," he said. Iraq used to export an average of 200 million cubic feet a day gas to neighboring Kuwait, but sales were suspended when Iraq invaded its neighbor in 1990. Iraq is home to 126 trillion cubic feet of gas, but produces only around 1.5 billion cubic feet a day, of which 700 million cubic feet a day are burned for lack of infrastructure. Basra, March 30, 2011 ( Reuters ) By Hassan Hafidh http://www.iraqenergy.org/news/?detailof=2138&content=Iraq-Says-Last-Obstacle-to-Shell-Gas-Deal-Removed-

Sorry about that guys missed it I guess Thought it was BS aswell Wanted to get others input on it.

Iraqi Dinar Revaluation Enthusiasts are Unaware of Bernie Madoff’s Fame Posted on 29 March 2011. Tags: ForexTraders, IQD, iraqi dinar, Tom Cleveland Pages: 1 2 By Tom Cleveland, market analyst for Forex Traders, exclusively for Iraq Business News. Forex Traders is an online resource for the foreign exchange market. “Buy on the rumor, sell on the news” is a time-honored investment phrase that is oftentimes more confusing than the wisdom it attempts to impart. The meaning relates primarily to company securities that appreciate in expectation of a big news announcement. Early speculation drives ups the price, such that when the real announcement is made, most investors sell on the news to take their profits, often driving the price down, rather than up. “Pump and Dump” stock frauds also follow a similar scenario, but in this case, criminals benefit and investors lose. A similar situation has been building for years, some say as many as eight years, surrounding the potential “revaluation” of the Iraqi Dinar. As the rumor would have it, the Iraqi economy has stabilized, and the potential for enormous foreign currency reserves from increased oil exports will drive the value of the Dinar to unconscious levels versus the U.S Dollar. The government authorities will be forced to revalue the currency from 1,175 to 3 per Dollar, resulting in an outrageous windfall for anyone owning stockpiles of the currency. Does something here sound a little too good to be true? In actuality, the Iraqi Dinar, or “IQD”, is a “controlled” currency. The central bank of Iraq determines the exchange rate and must support that rate by maintaining adequate foreign currency reserves to handle capital flows across its borders. The IMF permits countries with a transitional economy to implement currency controls in order to stabilize their economy during its redevelopment phase. Presently, international banks will not accept the Dinar, and it is not traded on any forex exchange. Actual purchases can be made through currency dealers that have been authorized to buy and sell banknotes that are already in circulation. Consequently, nothing can happen to the value of the currency without government sanction, but the “rumor” has spread due to previous government announcements. One popular currency website summarizes the government’s position as follows: “In 2010, the Central Bank of Iraq announced their plans to redenominate the Iraqi Dinar to ease cash transactions. The intention would be to drop three zeros from the nominal value of bank notes; but the actual value of the dinar would remain unchanged. That would mean that 1,000 IQD (pre-redenomination) and 1 dinar (post-redenomination) would both be worth the same amount in US Dollars. Although the announcement stated that the change would take place by the end of 2010, there has been no redenomination as of January 2011.” The government actually announced this “Drop Three Zeroes” project back in 2007, and at the time, the study was given the name of “Iraqi Currency Revaluation”. Therein lies the source of the confusion, perhaps from translation or from a loose usage of forex vernacular. A “redenomination” is not a “revaluation” under the strictest of interpretations of the terms. The former term implies that “two” currencies will exist with a “peg” between them, but the old currency will expire over a given time period and must be exchanged for the new currency. Under a “redenomination” scenario, there is no “get rich quick” opportunity. However, when something as complex as foreign exchange rates are involved, the situation is ripe for a fraudster’s scheme. Con artists wasted no time devising clever “Dinar” deception scams that have been perpetrated as far away as Japan. Recently, over 200 unsuspecting Japanese investors, hoping for an immediate revaluation by the Iraqi Central Bank, bought millions of Dinars at inflated exchange rates. The sellers quickly disappeared. The “Dinar story” sounds so plausible because much of it is based on fact. The Iraqi people and their government have made great strides in resurrecting a burgeoning economy, based to a large degree on a revitalized oil industry. The potential size of Iraqi oil and gas reserves has yet to be accurately determined, but most agree that the potential is enormous. There have been similar occurrences in other countries that suggest a few history lessons might provide clues to the future. Examples can be found in Venezuela, Iran, and Russia, but in each case, as oil exports increased, so did the need for imports of other goods and services. Currencies did appreciate, but slowly and in a measured way over decades. Contrary to common sense, the rumors persist. Investment experts have denounced the purported gains as just another Ponzi scheme, yet Internet blogs are abundant with comments by hopeful investors that their day is coming. Many refer to an ambiguous claim that Kuwaitis became wealthy in 2003 under very similar conditions. However, the Kuwaiti exchange rate remained generally level during the Gulf War. The local populace lost faith in the currency, driving “black market” exchange rates that did change radically. Bernie Madoff may be in prison, but his emulators have gone global. http://www.iraq-businessnews.com/2011/03/29/iraqi-dinar-revaluation-enthusiasts-are-unaware-of-bernie-madoff%e2%80%99s-fame/2/

Iraq Growth ’12%’, CBI to Stay Independent Posted on 30 March 2011. Tags: Central Bank, IQD, iraqi dinar Iraq has told the International Monetary Fund that its central bank would remain independent, despite Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki winning a court ruling in January placing the central bank under the control of the cabinet, rather than the parliament. The ruling attracted criticism that the Central Bank of Iraq (CBI) might lose its independence. The government, the bank and the court itself have since insisted repeatedly that the ruling would not compromise the bank’s independence, according to a report from Reuters. A memorandum from the Iraqi Government to the IMF stated, “The CBI will continue to be independent in the pursuit of its policy objectives”. It was signed on 3rd March 3 by Iraq’s central bank governor Sinan al-Shabibi, and finance minister Rafe al-Essawi, and was published on Monday by the IMF. The full document can be downloaded by clicking here. The IMF staff “welcomes the authorities’ continued commitment to safeguard the independence of the CBI, which is critical for maintaining confidence in the Iraqi dinar“. The statement predicts that Iraq’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP) will grow by 12 per cent in 2011 as a result of increased oil production, which accounts for about 95 per cent of Iraq’s economy. It predicted exports of 2.2 million barrels per day, in line with forecasts that appeared in the 2011 budget. The memorandum repeated budget estimates of revenue and current spending, which would leave a deficit of the equivalent of 15.7 trillion dinars ($13.4 billion). In the memorandum, published on the IMF website, Iraq also said it aimed to complete a restructuring of its two largest state banks by mid-June 2011. (Sources: Reuters, IMF) http://www.iraq-businessnews.com/category/banking-finance/

Prime Minister receives the final paper the names of candidates, security bags 3/22/2011 6:10:06 PM Baghdad Constitution Assured parliamentarians that Prime Minister Nuri al-Maliki received final paper of the names of candidates for the security ministries to decide the final next week, while others called for the heads of blocs to be consulted in the names of those ministers in view of the importance of the security ministries. A member of the National Alliance MP Abbas al-Bayati: the issue of resolve the candidates for the ministries of security rests with Prime Minister Nuri al-Maliki, adding that al-Maliki received recently final paper for the names of candidates. The al-Bayati said Maliki would put his signature on those he deems appropriate based on independence, respect and professionalism and then comes their names to the House of Representatives to vote on them and give them confidence. For his part, member of a coalition of law Adnan OS for confidence in the ability of Prime Minister Nuri al-Maliki to get the necessary votes to pass the names of the ministers of security in the event display of the parliament, adding that the Iraqi List, is no longer strong as before because of withdrawals. The OS in a press statement that Maliki will get the necessary votes needed to fill the security ministries in light of the situation experienced by the Iraqi National List as a result of fragmentation, there are eight deputies withdrew from Iraq, believes that there is a group of 14 members wanted to withdraw and this has to be Iraqi case is different as it was in the past. adding OS What surprise us is very surprising that the Iraqi List, presented five names for the defense portfolio and the time of the choice of prime minister on one of these names differed upon this cause confusion for all. The Iraqi List, submitted five candidates to the Ministry of Defense and was one of the candidates, Khaled tired Obeidi on the consent of the National Alliance, the list of Iraq has not made up its mind about his candidacy altogether. With regard to the possibility that does not give Parliament the confidence to ministers who Siqdmanm Maliki told the OS that the House at that time will bear responsibility complete as that the Constitution does not provide for the naming of Ministers must be in compliance, but provides for the affirmative to be half the number of parliamentarians plus one. He os Anriis minister does not want Ministers, security without a political consensus around them. According to the constitution, the minister for half plus one in parliament gives him the confidence to be a minister. In the context of a relevant member called the Iraqi List, Talal Zobaie leaders of political blocs to respect the members of the bloc and consulted in decision-making task. He said Zobaie: The heads of political blocs have not seen members of their lists the names of candidates for bags, three security, adding that everyone must commit to respect the opinion and the opinions of others and to the heads of the blocks to take into consideration the members of Parliament the views of members of their lists and their respective Groups and their participation in this matter because these subjects sensitive, as he put it. Zobaie and likely to be announced the names of the candidates during the next week. The Prime Minister promised during the last two weeks to provide security minister but he could not do so. He attributed the al-Maliki reasons for the delay to a lack of political consensus on the names put forward, questioning the occurrence of that compatibility, while stressing that in case of non-compliance will succumb subject to the voting quorum required, stressing that all the names that had nominated the names are important and respected. The House of Representatives has given in its meeting held on 21 December last, the confidence of the Government of incomplete headed by Nuri al-Maliki. The House of Representatives on 13 February the appointment of eight new ministers of the nine nominated al-Maliki to complete his line-that remain in need of ministers bags three security of Interior, Defence and Security National run by al-Maliki by proxy, in addition to the portfolio of Planning. dominates differences on the candidates for Bags security, especially the interior and defense, as the first of its share of the National Alliance and the second share of the coalition, the Iraqi condition given to independents, but all the party that rejected the candidates of the other party so far. For his part, MP for a coalition of state law were part of the National Alliance, Hussain al-Asadi he can not say for sure that the names of the ministries of security before the final because it is still the ground is soft and you may see other names. He said al-Asadi: The names put forward, such as Ahmed Chalabi and Riad Ghareeb benediction to accept the National Alliance. Stressing that there are many names have been traded, and even among the names is known in the security community and media. Revealed Asadi he has not settled opinion to the Minister specified that the views tend towards some of the characters, but can not say for sure that the personal is a bid to assume the ministry and the case is flexible and there are variables emerging. Hope that the prime minister security minister until the post-holiday vote by Parliament. http://www.daraddustour.com/التفاصيل/tabid/94/smid/427/ArticleID/46589/reftab/58/Default.aspx

Categorized | Banking & Finance, Industry & Trade, Politics Iraq Central Bank Assets at Risk? Posted on 25 January 2011. Tags: CBI, Central Bank Following the Supreme Court decision to place several independent bodies under the control of the Iraqi cabinet, rather than the parliament, a legal expert has said that the Central Bank of Iraq is an independent body that cannot be linked to the Cabinet. According to the report from AKnews, the Central Bank of Iraq warned that its foreign assets would be confiscated by Iraq’s creditors if it was answerable to the government instead of the parliament. Legal expert, Hassan Shaaban, the General Coordinator of Human Rights and Democracy Assembly in Iraq, told the news agency that the Central Bank of Iraq should not be under the supervision of the Council of Ministers because it is a board that should be managed professionally, independently and without any link to the government. Contrary to other reports, Shaaban believes that the Central Bank has the right to object and appeal. The central bank said in a statement issued today that its independence under Iraqi law was still the only thing that guaranteed that its financial resources abroad would not to be confiscated by the country’s international creditors. (Source: AKnews) http://www.iraq-businessnews.com/2011/01/25/iraq-central-bank-assets-at-risk/

How Risky Is Iraq? Posted on 19 January 2011. Tags: Debt, Risk, Wood Mackenzie Let’s start with a little test: Can you rank the following economies in order of the expected risk of their defaulting on their sovereign debt – Ireland, Argentina, Dubai, Greece, Iraq? The correct order, based on the cost using credit default swaps (CDS) to insure their debt against default, is: Greece (riskiest), Ireland, Argentina, Dubai, Iraq (10th riskiest). The full top-ten is: Greece, Venezuela, Ireland, Portugal, Argentina, Ukraine, Spain, Dubai, Hungary and Iraq. The result probably won’t surprise regular readers of Iraq Business News, who are already aware of developments such as the increases already achieved in Iraq’s oil output, the impending third round of oil licences, and the contracts signed for the construction of new power plants. Edinburgh-based consultants Wood Mackenzie estimate that, “in Iraq, upstream investment is likely to climb rapidly to $10 billion in the next three years.” So while the public perception of Iraq is still one of high risk, and it is admittedly far from being a developed economy, the financial markets are already beginning to recognise Iraq’s improving outlook. If you’re considering taking advantage of these new developments in Iraq, Upper Quartile and AAIB are here to help you. For more information please contact Gavin Jones or Adrian Shaw. http://www.iraq-businessnews.com/2011/01/19/how-risky-is-iraq/

my father is a branch manager in the sarasota fl area and I bug him for info all the time but he does not hear anything from the higher ups the only thing he does hear is to keep the currency investors pumped and to keep them spending money in the banks I hate to even post this but im an investor and my father is not so talks do get heated frome time to time.

http://www.foreignpolicy.com/articles/2010/09/07/what_america_left_behind_in_iraq?page=full Hundreds of cars waiting in the heat to slowly pass through one of the dozens of checkpoints and searches they must endure every day. The constant roar of generators. The smell of fuel, of sewage, of kabobs. Automatic weapons pointed at your head out of military vehicles, out of SUVs with tinted windows. Mountains of garbage. Rumors of the latest assassination or explosion. Welcome to the new Iraq, same as the old Iraq -- even if Barack Obama has declared George W. Bush's Operation Iraqi Freedom over and announced the beginning of his own Operation New Dawn, and Iraq's Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki has declared Iraq sovereign and independent. Iraq has had several declarations of sovereignty since the first one in June 2004. As with earlier milestones, it's not clear what exactly this one means. Since the Americans have declared the end of combat operations, U.S. Stryker and MRAP vehicles can be seen conducting patrols without Iraqi escorts in parts of the country and the Americans continue to conduct unilateral military operations in Mosul and elsewhere, even if under the guise of "force protection" or "countering improvised explosive devices." American military officers in Iraq told me they were irate with the politically driven announcement from the White House that combat troops had withdrawn. Those remaining still consider themselves combat troops, and commanders say there is little change in their rules of engagement -- they will still respond to threats pre-emptively. More... Iraq is still being held back from full independence -- and not merely by the presence of 50,000 U.S. soldiers. The Status of Forces Agreement, which stipulates that U.S. forces will be totally out by 2011, deprives Iraq of full sovereignty. The U.N.'s Chapter 7 sanctions force Iraq to pay 5 percent of its oil revenues in reparations, mostly to the Kuwaitis, denying Iraqis full sovereignty and isolating them from the international financial community. Saudi and Iranian interference, both political and financial, has also limited Iraq's scope for democracy and sovereignty. Throughout the occupation, major decisions concerning the shape of Iraq have been made by the Americans with no input or say by the Iraqis: the economic system, the political regime, the army and its loyalties, the control over airspace, and the formation of all kinds of militias and tribal military groups. The effects will linger for decades, regardless of any future milestones the United States might want to announce. The Americans, meanwhile, worry about losing their leverage at a time when concerns still run high about a renewed insurgency, Shiite militias, and the explosion of the Arab-Kurdish powder keg everybody's been talking about for the last seven years. Many in the U.S. Embassy in Baghdad wonder what Obama's vision for Iraq is. By the summer of 2006, Bush woke up every day and wanted to know what was happening in Iraq. Obama is much more detached. American diplomats also worry that they will soon lose their ability to understand and influence the country. In addition to Baghdad, there will soon be only four other posts. Much of the south will be without any U.S. presence: There will be no Americans between Basra and Baghdad, no Americans in Anbar or Salahuddin provinces. Some in the embassy fear they are abandoning the "Shiite heartland." The diplomats still in the country will have less mobility and access, even if they are nominally taking the lead over the military, because it will be harder to find military escorts when they want to travel. "You can't commute to a relationship," I was told. At best, unable to secure areas to visit by helicopter or communicate with Iraqis navigating the hassle of trying to get into the Green Zone, the diplomats in the four outposts will act as listening posts or trip wires. They hope to be viewed as the honest broker between Kurds and Arabs in northern Iraq, where the American focus has shifted as part of the consolidation of "strategic gain." But staffers complain that they lack the funding to do their job right, even though the four posts outside Baghdad are going to be very expensive. They say the United States has spent hundreds of billions of dollars on the war in Iraq but is now pinching its pennies over secretarial salaries. One hope for change rested on this year's national election, held on March 7, which ended in a virtual tie between former Prime Minister Ayad Allawi's Iraqiya party and Maliki's State of Law Coalition. The election nonetheless did represent a milestone in the country's political evolution. Regardless of the outcome -- Maliki contested but could not overturn the vote count -- the elections will not precipitate a return to civil war. The state is strong, and the security forces take their work seriously -- perhaps too seriously. The sectarian militias have been beaten and marginalized, and the Sunnis have accepted their loss in the civil war. But the controversies surrounding the still-unresolved contest point to some serious long-term political rifts. The increased pace of the U.S. withdrawal coupled with the still-unresolved state of the political map and meddling by the United States, the Saudis, Iran, and even Turkey, has lead to a vicious zero-sum competition as Iraqi leaders jockey for power. Maliki was a popular candidate, supported by Iraqis for having crushed both Sunni and Shiite armed groups, and he came in first as an individual politician, with Allawi a distant second. But Maliki's candidates came a close second to Iraqiya -- a surprise after Allawi's dismal performance in 2005. On the Allawi side are Sunnis, restless with perceived Iranian influence in the country. Opposition to Maliki often centers on his suspected ties to Iran -- an allegation that echoes the tendentious Sunni notion that an Arab cannot have a strong Shiite identity without being pro-Iranian. And notwithstanding the Bush administration's "80 percent" approach -- focusing on the Shiites and Kurds and ignoring the Sunnis -- the group's frustration could lead to destabilization. Sunnis might not be able to overthrow the new Shiite sectarian order, but they can still mount a limited challenge to it. The Kurds, with only the mountains as their friends (to paraphrase a Kurdish proverb), were able to destabilize Iraq for 80 years. Sunni Arabs are present in much more of the country and have allies throughout the Arab world who can supply them well enough to destabilize Iraq more than the Kurds ever could. The Americans want to keep Allawi around for exactly that reason: They see him as mollifying Sunni anger. "We would like to see an important role for Allawi," U.S. Ambassador James Jeffrey said in an August press conference, arguing that the Shiite ex-Baathist was able to organize a historic shift in the post-war political dynamic by coalescing Sunni and secular forces behind a new democratic process. U.S. diplomats in Baghdad tell me that outgoing U.S. commander Gen. Raymond Odierno is extremely worried about a renewed insurgency if Allawi's Iraqiya list isn't satisfied. Allawi can't simply be made prime minister, given that he doesn't have support from across the political spectrum. Instead he may be given an enhanced presidency with increased powers, coupled with some checks -- including term limits -- on Prime Minister Maliki. Shiites and members of Maliki's cadre, meanwhile, are not at all pleased with the idea of a President Allawi. Oil Minister Hussein Shahrastani, who is close to Maliki, has warned the Americans that many in the Shiite elite would see a powerful Allawi presidency as a coup, overthrowing the new order and restoring the bad old Saddam days. Many in Maliki's party are strongly anti-Sunni, just as many in Allawi's party are strongly anti-Shiite, and they fear the repetition of history. Maliki has told confidants that if he leaves office, everything he has worked for over the last four years will fall apart. He believes that he almost singlehandedly rebuilt the Iraqi state. Without him there is no State of Law party, since it was built around his reputation and Maliki is the individual candidate who won the most votes. The Sadrists would then become the most powerful Shiite bloc and the clock would turn back to the anarchy and misery of 2006. It's hard to disagree. The prime minister has amassed a vast and relatively stable infrastructure of power. Removing him and his advisors and security institutions at a time like this could be disastrous. Maliki has managed to win over skeptical Sunnis after his 2008 attack on Shiite militias and remake himself into a candidate perceived by many as a secular nationalist. The Americans certainly believe there are no non-Maliki scenarios, given the risk of the Sadrists taking over. "We've done the math," General Stephen Lanza, the outgoing U.S. military spokesman, said at an event in August. "We have no real power or authority here," U.S. Ambassador Jeffrey said. "We have no right to interject ourselves in any kind of threatening way. The only thing we have said that comes close to a rethink of our policies is if you had a government where the Sadrists played a critical role, we would really have to ask whether we can have much of a future in this country given their political position." Beyond exiting the country, Jeffrey said, the United States might back off on its vigorous push to convince the United Nations to remove the Chapter 7 sanctions on Iraq, if the Sadrists were to take a dominant role in the government. "We probably wouldn't be too enthused with that mission," said Jeffrey, "and there are a thousand other examples like that." For their part, the Sadrists refuse to meet with the Americans. The Sadrists are, however, talking with Allawi, offering support in return for control over the Ministry of the Interior and the release of at least 2,000 of their men from Iraqi detention. Allawi has justified his flirtation with the violently anti-American Sadrists on the grounds that they are merely misguided and can be controlled. It's a move that could seriously backfire. Maliki says privately that the Sadrists are dangerous. He doesn't believe that Allawi can control them, insisting that he comes from their world and he knows them. He insists that it's not within his legal power to simply free their prisoners. And the Kurds have been dismayed by Allawi's dalliance with the Sadrists; they don't want the Sadrists to be the kingmakers. The Kurds also worry that many of the dominant Sunni politicians in Allawi's list are hostile to their vision of the boundary dividing Kurdistan from the rest of Iraq. Because of this, the Kurds now oppose an Allawi premiership and have thrown their support behind Maliki. Frustrated with his string of PR defeats, Allawi has taken refuge in confidence-boosting visits to Arab states such as Saudi Arabia, the Emirates, Kuwait, and Syria. But none of that helps him much in Baghdad, where it matters, and it certainly doesn't help him in Iran, where an Allawi premiership would be seen as a victory for Tehran's regional rivals, the Saudis, not to mention a victory for the Baathists. Iran prefers Maliki, even if their relationship is not nearly as close as it's been made out to be by the Sunnis. In fact, Iraq's powerful neighbor has failed to achieve many of its goals in Iraq. Iran has pawns in Iraq but not proxies. Even the Iran-formed Shiite Islamic Supreme Council of Iraq actually dislikes Iran. Its members, former Iraqi exiles who came together in Tehran during Saddam's rule, remember the humiliation of being looked down upon by Iranians for being Arabs. Shiite parties have their own power base as well, and don't need Iranian support. Still, the Iranian ambassador in Baghdad remains very active, and the Americans refuse to meet with him -- a surprising change given the meetings that took place under the Bush administration. As for the Turks, they want to turn the Kurdish regional government in the north into a Turkish vassal state. They are also deeply involved in Baghdad. Ambassador Jeffrey maintains that Turkey can live with a Maliki premiership, and this is true, although Turkey prefers Allawi; the Turkish ambassador dislikes Maliki and helped organize the Iraqiya list. (Maliki took this personally and temporarily stripped the Turkish ambassador of his access to the Green Zone.) In a sad sense, none of this maneuvering actually matters all that much. Regardless of who becomes prime minister or president, Iraq is about to become increasingly authoritarian. Oil revenues will not kick in for several years, so services are not going to improve. Even when revenues reach Iraqi coffers, infrastructure costs will eat them up for the near future. The lack of services means the government will face street-level dissatisfaction and become harsher and more dictatorial in response -- even if a democratic façade persists. For Iraqis, then, there is no end in sight. Since the occupation began in 2003, more than 70,000 Iraqis have been killed. Many more have been injured. There are millions of new widows and orphans. Millions have fled their homes. Tens of thousands of Iraqi men have spent years in prisons. The new Iraqi state is among the most corrupt in the world. It is only effective at being brutal and providing a minimum level of security. It fails to provide adequate services to its people, millions of whom are barely able to survive. Iraqis are traumatized. Every day there are assassinations with silenced pistols and the small magnetic car bombs known as sticky bombs. In neighboring countries, hundreds of thousands of refugees languish in exile, sectarianism is on the upswing, and weapons, tactics, and veterans of the Iraqi jihad are spreading. Seven years after the disastrous American invasion, the cruelest irony in Iraq is that, in a perverse way, the neoconservative dream of creating a moderate, democratic U.S. ally in the region to counterbalance Iran and Saudi Arabia has come to fruition. But even if violence in Iraq continues to decline and the government becomes a model of democracy, no one will look to Iraq as a leader. People in the region remember -- even if the West has forgotten -- the seven years of chaos, violence, and terror. To them, this is what Iraq symbolizes. Thanks to the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan and other failed U.S. policies in the broader Middle East, the United States has lost most of its influence on Arab people, even if it can still exert pressure on some Arab regimes. Last week, the Western media descended upon Iraq for one last embed, for a look at the "legacy," to ask Iraqis whether it was "worth it." On the night of August 31st, I overheard one American TV producer trying to find an Iraqi family that would be watching Obama's speech on Iraq live. Obama's speech was aired at 3 a.m. in Baghdad. But Obama did not address Iraqis in his speech. And they weren't interested, anyway. Most Iraqis were awake at that hour, but they were lying in bed sweltering, unable to sleep, waiting for the electricity to come back on so they could power their air conditioners.

BAGHDAD / Aswat al-Iraq - Member of Iraq’s National Alliane, Hamid Mu’alla, has said on Wednesday that his alliance had not defined a time limit to select its candidate for the new prime minister’s post, expecting it to take place after the current Muslims Eid al-Fitr Holidays, starting on Thursday and ending next Monday. “We are expecting the National Alliance to name its candidate for the prime minister’s post after the end of Eid al-Fitr Holidays, when the political forces shall witness a more active movement than the one taking place now,” he said, adding that “there is no time limit to select the Alliance’s candidate.” A source close to the National Alliance, stated earlier that the Alliance did not reach, in its meeting on Tuesday night, for a decisive and final decision for the issue of selecting its candidate for the prime minister’s post. Meanwhile, Mu’alla said the percentage that matches the selection of the Alliance’s candidate of 65 percent of the new parliament seats “had not been ratified, because the National Alliance did not define that until now.” The National Alliance is a parliamentary bloc that comprises the State of Law bloc, led by Prime Minister Nouri Al-Maliki, which holds 89 seats and the Iraqi National Alliance, led by Ammar al-Hakim, holding 70 seats in the new 325-seat parliament. http://en.aswataliraq.info/?p=136661

Ordered mine from 5/3rd Mon and just got a call saying I could pick them up now. Bradenton FL

http://www.fas.org/sgp/crs/mideast/RS21968.pdf Older but if you have the time very imformative.

KUWAIT, Aug 30 (KUNA) -- The visiting head of the Iraqi Supreme Islamic Council Ammar Al-Hakim said on Monday his current visit to Kuwait is aimed at holding "serious talks" with the leaders on Iraqi political affairs. Speaking at a news conference, held at the headquarters of the Kuwaiti Journalists Association, Al-Hakim said he would hold talks, during the visit, with His Highness the Amir Sheikh Sabah Al-Ahmad Al-Jaber Al-Sabah, HH the Crown Prince Sheikh Nawaf Al-Ahmad Al-Jaber al-Sabah, HH the Prime Minister Sheikh Nasser Al-Mohammad Al-Ahmad Al-Sabah and the Speaker of the National Assembly, Jassem Al-Kharafi. The Kuwaiti people are very concerned at the conditions in Iraq and they have been closely following up on the events and affairs there, and this signal that the two countries enjoy historic ties bounding the two brotherly peoples, Al-Hakim said. Al-Hakim said he sensed, during the meetings with the Kuwaiti leaders, their concern at the events in Iraq and their keenness on maintaining the unity and stability of Iraq. The Iraqi leader said he visited a number of Iraqis receiving treatment at Kuwait hospitals of injuries sustained as a result of recent bombing attacks in Basra, praising the special care given to the injured and the care of HH the Amir for them. He indicated that his visit was part of a policy to inform leaders of the neighboring countries about the internal conditions in Iraq. "Stability of Iraq is linked to the stability of the region," he added. Al-Hakim acknowledged that the failure of forming a new government has repercussions internally and regionally, expressing hope that consultations among the country's four political blocs would result in a consensus on forming a new government. The consultations would end with formation of a national unity government, he said, affirming necessity of including all the political trends in the government line-up. (end) http://www.kuna.net.kw/NewsAgenciesPublicSite/ArticleDetails.aspx?id=2108755&Language=en

The Associated Press Monday, Aug. 30, 2010 | 12:20 a.m. When the U.S. overthrew Saddam Hussein seven years ago, the Bush administration envisioned a liberated Iraq that was rich, stable, democratic and a shining example to the rest of the Arab world. Now, with the end of U.S.-led combat operations in Iraq, the Obama administration is predicting more or less the same thing. Both U.S. presidents pinned their hopes on Iraq's vast but underdeveloped oil resources, calculating that petroleum-fueled prosperity fed by a wave of foreign investment would give Iraqis the tools and motivation to build a modern, Western-oriented state. But that goal remains a speck on the horizon. Today, Iraq pumps less oil than it did under Saddam. Iraqis are stalemated in forming a new government nearly six months after national elections. And the country's political divisions, aggravated by the struggle for control of Iraq's oil potential, have led to fears that it could erupt in civil war, revert to a dictatorship or split along religious and ethnic fault lines. President Barack Obama, whose opposition to the war was a hallmark of his presidential campaign in 2008, is scheduled to give an Iraq speech from the Oval Office on Tuesday, marking the transition of the U.S. military mission from combat to advising the Iraqi armed forces. All U.S. troops are to leave Iraq by the end of 2011. When the Bush administration launched the invasion of Iraq in March 2003, it was counting on Iraq's oil wealth to bankroll the country's reconstruction. Paul Wolfowitz, the deputy secretary of defense at the time, told a House committee just days after the war began that Iraq's oil wealth would relieve U.S. taxpayers of the rebuilding burden. "We're dealing with a country that can really finance its own reconstruction, and relatively soon," he said on March 27, 2003. It didn't work out that way, in part because a fierce and resilient insurgency intruded. The war's outcome remains in doubt, yet oil is gaining prominence in the Obama administration's public rationale for staying by the Iraqis' side even after the military campaign concludes. Defense Secretary Robert Gates says Iraq in 10 years could rank among the world's biggest oil producers, making it fabulously rich and _ by implication _ a potential success story. "It will change the entire equation in the Middle East," Gates said, assuming Iraqi leaders are able to sustain their shaky democracy. In remarks Aug. 12 in San Francisco, Gates was quick to add: "That's the optimistic scenario. There are all kinds of more pessimistic scenarios." One of those less-rosy outlooks is pretty obvious: the departure of U.S. forces in 2011 leads to increased violence and a return to civil war, paralyzing the government and creating chaos. The question in that case would be whether the U.S. would intervene with combat troops. Another unpleasant possibility: Iraq's strongest and most developed institution _ the military _ gets fed up with a lack of political progress in Baghdad and overthrows the civilian government. Oil will play an important role in Iraq's future, though not necessarily a positive one. Nations with huge oil and resource wealth _ such as Russia, Saudi Arabia and Venezuela _ often fail to develop democratic political systems. It's not clear why this would be so, but some believe that vast oil resources encourages centralized state control by dictators or oligarchs. Iraq sits atop an estimated 115 billion barrels of crude, the world's third-largest proven reserves. Iraq's oil production, however, has stagnated since the U.S. invasion, hampered by technical problems, looting and insurgent violence. Production averaged about 2.5 million barrels a day from the late 1990s to the early 2000s before the fall of Saddam, and since then has ranged between 2.1 million and 2.4 million barrels a day, according to the U.S. Energy Information Administration. Iraq's oil minister, Hussain al-Shahristani said last month that the country hopes to boost output to 12 million barrels a day in about six years. Some analysts are skeptical, but U.S. officials seem encouraged. Meghan O'Sullivan, a former top Iraq adviser to Bush who helped lead the president's war strategy review in 2006, sees Iraq's oil potential as a mixed blessing. "It's an enormous opportunity and it's something that gives Iraq the potential to regain its status as a regional superpower, but it also brings all kinds of dangers, and there are many hurdles that need to be surmounted before Iraq can realize that potential," she said in an interview. O'Sullivan, now a professor of international affairs at Harvard, says Iraq remains in conflict over how to share power and resources among its major sectarian and ethnic groups, and oil is the biggest resource prize in that competition. Most of the known oil and gas reserves in Iraq form a belt that runs along the eastern edge of the country, centered in the Shiite areas of the south and the Kurdish north. Iraqi politicians have been locked in a bitter dispute over how much control the central government in Baghdad should have over regional oil operations, and how revenues would be shared. Efforts to pass a national hydrocarbons law that would set a legal framework for oil investment are stalled, although the government has worked out some oil revenue-sharing issues. When he announced the U.S. invasion on March 19, 2003, President George W. Bush said in nationally television address that his goal was to make Iraq "united, stable and free." Among critics, some charged that the U.S. was making a grab for Iraq's oil. Almost six years later, in a speech announcing his plan for winding down the war, Obama said his objective was an Iraq that is "sovereign, stable and self-reliant." He mentioned oil just once, noting that declining oil revenues were straining the Iraqi government, which relies on oil sales for more than 90 percent of state revenues. More recently, the administration has highlighted Iraq's oil potential, perhaps to help explain why it intends to continue financial, political and diplomatic support to stabilize the country. The administration has committed itself to nurturing a democracy in Iraq. "I don't see any other model for Iraq," said Christopher Hill, who just completed 16 months as U.S. ambassador in Baghdad. Gates said Iraq's future is "open." He likened it to post-Soviet Russia in 1991. "No one was sure what would come later, but for the first time in their history the Russian people had a choice and the future was open to them," Gates said. "I think the same thing is true in Iraq today." http://www.lasvegassun.com/news/2010/aug/30/us-points-to-oil-as-key-to-iraqs-postwar-future/

BAGHDAD / Aswat al-Iraq: The visit of U.S. Vice President Joe Biden to Iraq aims at imposing foreign agendas by encouraging certain blocs to exclude others from the ongoing process to form the new Iraqi government, a leading Sadrist figure Moshriq Naji said on Monday. It is expected that Biden will visit Iraq soon to accelerate the process of forming Iraq’s new government. “Biden’s projects are unsuccessful,” Naji said in a statement as received by Aswat al-Iraq news agency. He explained that there had been hope that the Iraqi government would be formed soon, but Biden’s visit will delay the process. http://en.aswataliraq.info/?p=136284