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Al-Kadhimi.. Breaking deep rooted taboos in ten days


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Al-Kadhimi.. Breaking deep rooted taboos in ten days

 

2020/05/17 12:32:28

Shafaq News/Despite not being immersed in politics for a long time, the new Iraqi Prime Minister, Mustafa Al-Kadhimi, has begun to establish his optimistic effect in more than one place, which would boost hopes for encouraging changes in several aspects: the style of administration, breaking some taboos, developing the country's reputation and apparatuses in dealing with Iraqi issues.

Al-Kadhimi’s successive initiatives and decisions leave impressions about the possibility of improving the government’s work and the political movement in Iraq, which has been governed for many years by internal and external restrictions and prohibitions, which imposed monotony and many obstacles in the possibility of more effective work.

Al-Kadhimi may break through the walls of the "deep state", as Shafaq News agency pointed out, in order to move from this recession he does not need a miracle, but rather some bravery, and it seems he is practicing it already.

Exploiting Iraq’s thirst for feeling that the state is working after it entered into a voluntary paralysis with the resignation of the former Prime Minister Adel Abd Al-Mahdi six months ago.  

He also takes advantage from his security background that he acquired after he took over the intelligence service.

Al-Kadhimi appears as if he is dismantling roadside bombs, he works with great accuracy, caution and confidence.  Distinguish the yellow, green and blue wires, so that none is removed at the wrong time or the wrong way.  

For example, two days ago he ordered to form a fact-finding committee about the possibility of secret prisons in which demonstrators are being held, which are connected to agencies in the state.

It is one of the issues in Iraq that are rarely discussed publicly. But his confidence in the importance of this initiative led him to publicly assign the Minister of Interior Lieutenant General Othman Al-Ghanmi to head the committee, which task will be to search any security institution or building suspected of having a secret prison.

It is inconceivable that any political, security or parliamentary side would object, suspend or reject such an initiative, for it will judge itself as being involved in such shameful acts in front of the Iraqi public opinion.

Four days after he was elected, Al-Kadhimi visited the building of the national board of pensions, which oversees the payment of late retirement salaries, where he exchanged conversations with employees and citizens, before one of the employees informed him that he knows his older brother Imad, who is residing in Europe and has an administrative transaction papers that he is doing for him.

Despite the widespread controversy raised by this incident on social media, Al-Kadhimi seized this moment to send a clear message of reform and breaking the prevailing standards in the Iraqi political life where connections patronized the corrupted dealings, as he immediately called his brother and warned him not to contact anyone in Iraq as being  brother of the Prime Minister.

Iraqis saw how the relatives and acquaintances of politicians in general have climbed to government positions or achieved financial benefits through these personal ties.

It seems that the issue was that his brother did not contact anyone, rather he had a paperwork provided five months ago, but the employee wanted to show off that he is serving the prime minister by serving his brother.

Al-Kadhimi’s reaction was a source of hope that something is changing, as he could have easily ignored the matter and continued his tour as usual.

Who knows Iraq and the networks of corruption and cronyism that control its joints, realizes the size of the step that Al-Kadhimi initiated to implement reforms.

A few days later, he received the Chairman of the Supreme Judicial Council, Faeq Zidan, and members of the Council, and stressed about the role of the judiciary in restoring the confidence in Iraq through the rule of law and in facing corruption, crime and terrorism, according to the statement of his office.

As commander-in-chief of the armed forces, Al-Kadhimi will face a lot of challenges, one of its manifestations will be to order to release the arrested demonstrators without trials during the past months, except those who shed Iraqi blood, a file that the Supreme Judicial Council has begun to address, according to Article 38 of the Constitution, also to protect the demonstrators and prevent violence in all its forms.

This bold initiative will give the protesters and Iraqis in general a great comfort.

Al-Kadhimi went even further, in the second session of his government; he was keen on asserting that his government will not tolerate any aggression against the demonstrators, adding, "The government aims to achieve their legitimate aspirations."

As another gesture, the Prime Minister’s Office stated that a delegation of Al-Kadhimi’s advisors met representatives of the demonstrators and activists in Wasit, and heard their requests to transfer them to Al-Kadhimi

The optimistic look may not be limited to the Iraqi citizens alone, as Political forces and figures are beginning to show signs of positive cooperation with Al-Kadhimi and his policies.

For example, Muqtada Al-Sadr, the Sadrist movement leader, finds Al-Kadhimi worthy of his position, in who is used to give a period of 100 days for each government that was formed, before he criticized it and organized demonstrations against it.

It is true that Jamal Fakher, the MP from Alliance towards reform, told Shafaq News Agency that, “ if the deadline of 100 days ends and we are not convinced with the performance of the new prime minister, our position will change”, but Muqtada Al-Sadr himself said, “I find Al-Kadhimi serious in his work and I hope he has the strength of the heart and the love of the homeland", adding that he gave a deadline of 100 says as an opportunity for Al-Kadhimi to show his abilities.  

As an example of Al-Kadhimi’s ability to alter the attitudes of politicians from caution to positivity, the head of the State of Law coalition Nuri al-Maliki, who did not give Al-Kadhimi’s government parliamentary confidence, said he would support any government move to provide services, maintain the sovereignty of the state and impose security.

And justified on a radio interview, the nature of his stance towards Al-Kadhimi’s government, noting that the State of Law coalition’s objected on the mechanism of choosing the ministers and the way it was presented, which represented the return to the quota, so the coalition did not participate in a government based on quotas, for it affects the political stability process.

That’s why the change in Al-Maliki’s tone, who represents a strong political-parliamentary power in the political game, considered a gain for Al-Kadhimi, although he did not initiate any step in the direction of Al-Maliki’s movement, but merely because of his seriousness and audacity in approaching the matters in his first ten days.

A leader in Al-Fateh coalition, who supports to Al-Kadhimi and his government, and one of the forces close to Iran, said three days ago that, “it is likely that the forces opposing the American presence in Iraq will stop its escalation against the US, there are many reasons, including "the current conditions of Iraq”. Which is an important adjustment in a sensitive matter.

The American-Iranian "tango dance" seems to be affective.  

The deputy of Al-Fateh coalition, Haneen Al-Qaddou, told Shafaq News clearly that, "the escalation with the US is not in the interests of the forces opposing the American presence in Iraq, because of the economic, security, health and other conditions that Iraq is going through, also the new government that’s headed by Al-Kadhimi, has good relations with Washington.”

Perhaps one of the most prominent decisions taken by Al-Kadhimi, which caused a positive shock among the Iraqis, was his decision to return Lieutenant-General Abd Al-Wahab Al-Saadi to the Iraqi special operations forces and his promotion to the position of the head of the agency, in the wake of the first session of his government.

Al-Saadi is very popular in the Iraqi street for distancing himself from the internal political games and his complete preoccupation with his military duty, which enabled him to fight a series of successful battles against ISIS in the past years.

Only to be dismissed suddenly by Abd Al-Mahdi’s government a few days before the emergence of the popular demonstrations in October.

Al-Kadhimi realizes this position and the sensitivity of the decision he took to return Al-Saadi, which would enhance the Iraqi impression of his audacity and sensitivity in dealing with the deposits of previous governments that have severely damaged its positions in front of the Iraqi citizens.

In the light of the growing threat of ISIS, Al-Kadhimi met with the Iraqi special operations forces’ leaders at their headquarters two days ago, stressing "the importance of preserving the independence of this national institution and strengthening its role in protecting the state and the need to keep it away from political interference”.

A day before, he visited the headquarters of the Ministry of Defense, which he confirmed is a ministry for "all Iraqis", stressing the refusal to use weapons outside the frameworks of the state and its apparatus.

Al-Kadhimi realizes that this clear message will be heard clearly in the state, after many Iraqis complained and suffered from loose weapons and security chaos.  Al-Kadhimi gave Juma’a Anad Al-Jubouri, the Minister of Defense, this sensitive and heavy task which includes, Iraqi’s security, imposing the status of the military establishment and defending the sovereignty, security and stability of Iraq.

In an expression of major change in the path of management, Basra Police Command announced on Monday, the closure of the headquarters of "Thaar Allah Islamic Party" in the province, and the arrest of those in it after shooting and injuring a number of demonstrators.

In the second ministerial cabinet session, Al-Kadhimi outlined the difficult challenges that the government is facing as: The economy, fighting poverty , unemployment amongst the youth, equitable distribution of wealth, moving away from favoritism and political interference and developing state institutions. And considered it as a preservation of "the dignity of the citizen and the interests of the country." Which should be an intuitive matter for the state, but a few days ago it was not even in the politicians' agendas.

The evaluation elements change over the politician’s performance and how to judge his accomplishments, which is joyful news in the harsh days of the Iraqis.

Al-Kadhimi realizes, as many do, that the results of 2018 elections are still governing the political work and it’s results, which does not help in implementing the expected reforms .

Al-Kadhimi has only two years to work before the constitutional date for the new elections comes. As for the early elections, if they take place, they will reduce the period of time that’s available for him to achieve major achievements.

Al-Kadhimi and without having a political party or a parliamentary bloc, breaks the walls of silence with what he is doing by improving the conditions of work and success of the next prime minister.

A prelude to a change in the future. Which is a hope that Iraqis will only be happy with it.

 

 
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Tensions rise as new Iraqi PM confronts Iran’s proxies

kadhimi.jpg?itok=D67mWqaC Iraqi Prime Minister Mustafa al-Kadhimi uses his mobile phone at his office in Baghdad, Iraq May 9, 2020. Picture taken May 9, 2020. (Reuters)

Tharallah (God’s Revenge) emerged in 2003 as a notorious Basra-based, Tehran-funded death squad, hunting down and gruesomely murdering Sunnis, Baathists, and anyone Iranian agents paid them to kill. British soldiers in December 2003 raided a Tharallah torture chamber. It has regained nationwide notoriety in recent days after opening fire on protesters outside its headquarters.

Several hundred demonstrators have been gunned down by paramilitary elements since mass protests erupted in the fall of 2019. Militias are accustomed to routinely getting away with murder. However, in a break with precedent, Tharallah’s headquarters were subsequently raided by security forces and their leader, Yousif Al-Musawi, arrested.

The fact that a raid against the headquarters of an Iran-backed militia was one of the first moves taken by new Prime Minister Mustafa Al-Kadhimi could be interpreted as a significant gesture of intent. Al-Kadhimi declared that “those who spill Iraqi blood will not rest.” He also liberated large numbers of Iraqis detained during the protests.

But let’s keep matters in perspective: Some other smaller “rogue” militias, such as the Abu-Al-Fadl Al-Abbas Brigade, have, over the past couple of years, had their offices closed down and leaders arrested — accused of the same criminal activities that larger militant factions from Al-Hashd Al-Shaabi engage in with impunity. The principal militias arguably profit from the squashing of their smaller rivals, offering exclusive control over neighborhood territories for extorting businesses, terrorizing locals and running narcotics, prostitution and oil-smuggling rackets.

Al-Kadhimi was previously the director of national intelligence, known for his cozy ties with the US. He holds British citizenship and was formerly a journalist and human rights activist. The prime minister has won praise for his speed in putting a Cabinet together and the technocratic flavor of his appointments. Observers were reassured by the appointment of experienced figures like Finance Minister Ali Allawi and Gen. Abdel-Wahab Al-Saadi as head of the counterterrorism service. 

However, Iran-aligned elements accuse him of green-lighting the US attack that killed Iranian Quds Force leader Qassem Soleimani and paramilitary overlord Abu-Mahdi Al-Muhandis in January. Al-Muhandis’ Kata’ib Hezbollah militia described Al-Kadhimi’s nomination as tantamount to a “war against Iraqis,” suggesting that the prime minister should be “behind bars.” Lebanese Hezbollah-affiliated cleric Ali Kourani, meanwhile, accused Al-Kadhimi of plotting with the US to disband Al-Hashd Al-Shaabi. Other Hashd elements are temporarily giving him the benefit of the doubt. Militia leader Qais Al-Khazali previously accused Al-Kadhimi of killing Soleimani and spying for the Americans, but then emerged with conditions under which he would accept his candidacy — including (of course) steadfast support for the Hashd.

There are fears that militias are again resorting to assassinations and violence to confront all challengers.

Baria Alamuddin

In a catastrophic economic climate, Al-Kadhimi is faced with the unenviable task of slashing salaries, laying off employees, cutting subsidies and imposing taxes. According to one source: “Iraq is like a racing car that has been neglected and repeatedly wrecked. Al-Kadhimi is not the racing car driver. He’s the tow truck driver.” The Hashd’s readiness to allow Al-Kadhimi’s appointment may be premised on the awareness that nobody could navigate Iraq through the coming tumultuous year and emerge without their reputation destroyed.

Iraqi oil revenues plunged from $7.1 billion in April 2019 to $1.4 billion in April 2020 and are set to fall further given OPEC’s production cuts. The government requires about $4 billion per month just to pay state employees. Two full months of oil income would be required to cover the $2.16 billion annual budget of Al-Hashd Al-Shaabi.

The budgetary cake may have shrunk from lavish chocolate gateau to a plain cupcake, but paramilitary warlords would rather burn down heaven and earth than see their portions reduced. As one regional expert told me: “Because the pie is getting smaller, their appetite is getting bigger.” The same source speculated as to whether Al-Kadhimi’s control over the budget could allow him to gradually “suffocate” the Hashd through squeezing their resources. Iraq’s UN envoy affirmed that the government’s priority was “restricting weapons to state hands” and consolidating Iraqi sovereignty. We’ll see what happens.

In Iraq and Lebanon, the Hashd and Hezbollah will fight tooth and nail to ensure they aren’t impacted by budget cuts; including corrupt revenue sources and their foot soldiers on the state payroll. In this fraught political environment, there are fears that militias are again resorting to assassinations and violence to confront all challengers. Following the deaths or disappearances of a string of figures associated with the protest movement, lawyer and activist Daoud Al-Hamdani was assassinated in Diyala in recent days.

One pledge Al-Kadhimi may deliver on is preparing the ground for early elections, as promised to protesters — offering a glimmer of hope for Iraq. In 2018, the Iran-aligned paramilitary Fatah list won a dismal 48 out of 329 seats, but was able to play a dominant role amid a deeply fractured parliament. Recent protests throughout Shiite regions focused anger against these militias, which frequently responded with deadly force, making it almost a certainty that fewer Shiite voters would now cast ballots for pro-Iran sectarian elements. Fresh elections could, therefore, benefit moderate Shiite factions and liberal cross-sectarian forces — if these entities get their act together.

Just like Hezbollah, the Hashd has displayed immense skill in infiltrating and corrupting every level of every governing department. Disentangling and dismantling the Hashd octopus will take years — brigade by brigade — perhaps starting with smaller criminal entities like Tharallah, but ultimately moving on to the bigger beasts. There couldn’t be a better time to start than now, when the state coffers physically can’t afford to pay these parasites, which are preying upon the Iraqi body politic.

Al-Kadhimi’s tenure represents a window of opportunity for the Arab world and the West to re-engage with Iraq and empower moderate elements that could squeeze out the sectarian, Iran-allied factions in forthcoming elections.

Only Iraqis can win their country back. The protesters’ demands must be translated into a governing agenda that guarantees that Iraq’s vast wealth isn’t squandered on paramilitancy and advancing its Iranian neighbor’s hostile regional ambitions. Starving and desperate citizens require leaders who inspire genuine hope and can recultivate national pride — irrespective of tribe, ethnicity or sect — by putting Iraqi identity first. 

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Iraq's PM wants to know whereabouts of 'missing Sunnis'

Iraq's PM wants to know whereabouts of 'missing Sunnis'

 

BAGHDAD 

Iraq's Prime Minister Mustafa al-Kadhimi on Sunday ordered the Ministry of Interior to expedite the process of finding out the whereabouts of thousands of Sunnis who went missing during the war on Daesh/ISIS. 

The Cabinet in a statement said that al-Kadhimi "stressed the necessity of expediting the disclosure of those who have been kidnapped or disappeared." 

"This came during his [al-Kadhimi's] visit to the headquarter of the Ministry of Interior, and his meeting with minister Othman al-Ghanmi as well as ministry officials," the communique added. 

Since Al-Kadhimi got a vote of confidence from the Iraqi parliament amid pressure due to protests, he has taken several decisions on human rights, including the release of protesters and investigating secret prisons. 

Thousands of Iraqis disappeared during the 2014-2017 fight between Iraq and the terrorist organization Daesh in Sunni-majority areas, the northwest, of the country. Official figures, however, are not available. 

Iraq has been roiled by mass protests since last October because of poor living conditions and corruption. The demonstrations led to the resignation of former premier Adil Abdul-Mahdi in December 2019. 

At least 496 Iraqis have been killed and 17,000 injured in the protests, according to Iraq's High Commission for Human Rights.

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