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CNN. Broadcasting This Morning's Scathing Wall Street Journal Op-Ed Ahead Of Obama's Speech On Iraq Tonight ! http://online.wsj.com/ REVIEW & OUTLOOK Dlck Cheney Is Still Right Obama's return to Iraq reveals how wrong he has been about the world. Sept. 9, 2014 7:24 p.m. ET President Obama will lay out his plan to counter the Islamic State on Wednesday night, and we'll judge the strategy on its merits. But the mere fact that Mr. Obama feels obliged to send Americans to fight again in Iraq acknowledges the failure of his foreign policy. He is tacitly admitting that the liberal critique of the Bush Administration's approach to Islamic terrorism was wrong. Recall that Mr. Obama won the Presidency by arguing that the U.S. had alienated the world and Muslims by recklessly using force abroad. We had betrayed our values by interrogating terrorists too harshly and wiretapping too much. Our enemies hated us not because they hated our values or our influence but because we had provoked them with our interventions. If we withdrew from the Middle East, especially from Iraq; if we avoided new entanglements, such as in Syria; and if we engaged with our adversaries, such as Iran and Russia, the anti-American furies would subside and the world would be safer. We should nation-build at home, not overseas, and slash the defense budget accordingly. *** Mr. Obama pursued this vision starting with his Inaugural Address and throughout his first term. He tried to "reset" relations with Russia by dismantling a missile-defense deal with Poland and the Czech Republic. He muted support for the democratic uprising in Iran in 2009 lest it upset the mullahs he needed for a nuclear weapons deal. Enlarge Image Associated Press When the Syrian revolt erupted in 2011, Mr. Obama called for Bashar Assad to go but did nothing to aid the moderate opposition. In the process he overruled Secretary of State Hillarious Clinton, CIA director David Petraeus, and his ambassador to Damascus Robert Ford. The U.S. absence left Syria's battleground to the Russians and Iranians, who helped Assad hang on, and to the Qataris, who have funded Islamic State and the al Qaeda affiliated al-Nusrah. But Mr. Obama was unrepentant, saying as recently as August that it had "always been a fantasy" to think that arming the moderate Syrians would make a difference. Above all Mr. Obama sought to end the U.S. presence in Iraq. He made a token effort to strike a status of forces agreement past 2011, offering so few troops that the Iraqis thought it wasn't worth the domestic political trouble. Mr. Obama then sold his total withdrawal as a political success, claiming Iraq was "stable" and "self-reliant" and making a centerpiece of his 2012 campaign that "the tide of war is receding." He ridiculed Mitt Romney for warning about Mr. Putin's designs. Mr. Obama doubled down on his peace-through-withdrawal strategy in the second term, speeding up the U.S. departure from Afghanistan. On May 23, 2013, he summed up his vision and strategy in a sort of victory speech at National Defense University: "Today, Osama bin Laden is dead, and so are most of his top lieutenants. There have been no large-scale attacks on the United States, and our homeland is more secure. Fewer of our troops are in harm's way, and over the next 19 months they will continue to come home. Our alliances are strong, and so is our standing in the world. In sum, we are safer because of our efforts." Then in January his friends at the New Yorker quoted him as comparing Islamic State to the "jayvee team," and this summer he said Mr. Putin is doomed to fail because countries don't invade others in "the 21st century." *** So where are we less than a year later? Iran's mullahs continue to resist Mr. Obama's nuclear entreaties, while Mr. Putin carves up Ukraine and threatens NATO. China is breaking the rule of law in Hong Kong, pressing its air-identification zone in the Pacific, and buzzing U.S. aircraft. Syria is now a terrorist sanctuary from which the Islamic State has conquered a third of Iraq, the first time since 9/11 that jihadists control territory from which they can plan attacks. Al Qaeda's affiliates have expanded across the Middle East and Africa, attacking a mall in Kenya and kidnapping schoolgirls in Nigeria. Mr. Obama can blame this rising tide of disorder on George W. Bush, but the polls show the American public doesn't believe it. They know from experience that it takes time for bad policy to reveal itself in new global turmoil. They saw how the early mistakes in Iraq led to chaos until the 2007 surge saved the day and left Mr. Obama with an opportunity he squandered. And they can see now that Mr. Obama's strategy has produced terrorist victories and more danger for America. Mr. Obama's intellectual and media defenders were complicit in all of this, cheering on his flight from world leadership as prudent management of U.S. decline. Even now some of his most devoted acolytes write that Mr. Obama's "caution" has Islamic State's jihadists right where he wants them. It is hard to admit that your worldview has been exposed as out-of-this-world. We hope tonight's speech shows a more realistic President determined to defeat Islamic State, but whatever he says will have to overcome the doubts about American resolve that he has spread around the world for nearly six years. One way to start undoing the damage would be to concede that Dlck Cheney was right all along.
CNN. Broadcasting The Hit Song "Drop It Like It's Hot" ! Iraq's Maliki Drops Struggle for Power Outgoing Prime Minister Does Not Participate in Negotiations for New Government BAGHDAD—Iraq's outgoing prime minister, Nouri al-Maliki, appears to have dropped his quixotic struggle to remain in power over the past week and is resigned instead to remaining a member of parliament insulated from prosecution. Fears that Mr. Maliki might play the spoiler in the new government have largely receded since his initial reaction to the appointment of Haider al-Abadi to replace him. The night before Mr. Abadi's appointment, Mr. Maliki called out his security forces in Baghdad in what looked like preparations for a coup. Now Mr. Maliki meets with Mr. Abadi daily and advises him about the formation of a new cabinet, said Hussein Al-Marabi, a parliamentarian from the Shiite Islamist Fadhila Party. However other leaders of Shiite parties said Mr. Maliki doesn't take part in the negotiations on forming a new government even though he continues to lead the powerful Shiite-dominated State of Law coalition. "He feels bitterness about losing and it's not easy for him to accept it," said Ali Al Adeeb, a senior member of Mr. Maliki's Dawa Party. "He would prefer to stay as a member of parliament and he won't accept any other position in the new government." Neither Mr. Maliki nor his spokesman could be reached for comment. But those who have known Mr. Maliki from childhood recognize his trademark stubbornness in the current scenario. As a child in a dusty, riverside hamlet of Janajeh, the young Mr. Maliki would simply stop playing ball if a new player whom he didn't like entered his game, said Shaker Jaber Abdul Hussain, 64, who grew up with the prime minister. Or the boy who villagers called the "decision maker" would storm off on his own and start a new game by himself, he recalled. Still his current posture offers a measure of stability for a political transition at a time of crisis after Sunni insurgents took over a fourth of the country in just a few months. Mr. Maliki will remain in the executive post until Sept. 9, the day before the deadline for Mr. Ababi to submit a new cabinet of ministers to parliament for approval. The outgoing prime minister's behavior speaks volumes about how Iraq has been managed over the past eight years and the state of the nation he leaves behind, said Kirk Sowell, publisher of the Inside Iraqi Politics newsletter. Any effort by Mr. Abadi to form the kind of inclusive government that could have a hope of reforming the country will need to dismantle the patronage and sectarian favoritism that Mr. Maliki built to concentrate power on his office. During his eight years in power, and particularly during his last four, Mr. Maliki established a parallel chain of military command that answered directly to his inner circle. He exploited vagaries in the constitution to bypass checks on his control over judges, state-run media, infrastructure improvements, oil concessions and the central bank. Much of Mr. Maliki's political machine seemed to collapse around him during his final weeks in power as he publicly lashed out at his enemies in a doomed effort to keep his post. A senior cleric sent a letter telling him to stand down, his allies in neighboring Iran's leadership backed Mr. Abadi, and if he approached military and militia leaders to seek their help, they appeared not to back him. Mr. Maliki "has the personality of a partisan man who imposes his orders on others and they must obey. And he has an obsession that everyone plots against him," said Mr. Adeeb. "This nature is what led to autocracy." http://online.wsj.com/articles/iraqs-maliki-drops-struggle-for-power-1408923800
CNN. Broadcasting While The Shiite Hits The Fan ! Iran Deploys Forces to Fight al Qaeda-Inspired Militants in Iraq Revolutionary Guard Forces Help Iraqi Troops Win Back Control of Most of Tikrit, Sources Say By FARNAZ FASSIHI CONNECT Iraqis chant slogans against the Islamic State of Iraq and al-Sham as they volunteer for the army at a Baghdad recruiting station on Thursday. Associated Press BEIRUT—The threat of Sunni extremists eclipsing the power of its Shiite-dominated Arab ally presents Iran with the biggest security and strategic challenge it has faced since the U.S.-led invasion of Iraq in 2003. With the Islamic State of Iraq and al-Sham, an offshoot of al Qaeda, rapidly gaining territory, Iran deployed Revolutionary Guards units to Iraq, according to Iranian security officials. Iran has invested considerable financial, political and military resources over the past decade to ensure Iraq emerged from U.S. war as a strategic partner for the Islamic Republic and a strong Shiite-led state. The so-called Shiite crescent—stretching from Iran to Iraq, Lebanon and Syria—was forged largely as a result of this effort. Two Guards' units, dispatched from Iran's western border provinces on Wednesday, were tasked with protecting Baghdad and the holy Shiite cities of Karbala and Najaf, these security sources said. The involvement of Iran would pose yet another security challenge for the White House, and raises the prospect of the U.S. and Iran fighting on the same side. The U.S. opposes Iran's support for Syrian President Bashar al-Assad, but with Tehran is jointly supporting Iraqi Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki. State Department officials on Thursday refused to outline what steps the Obama administration would take if Iranian forces entered Iraq. Spokeswoman Jen Psaki said American diplomats who met with Iranian officials in Geneva this week to discuss Tehran's nuclear program didn't raise the issue of the Iraqi crisis. "We've encouraged them to play a constructive role in Iraq," Ms. Psaki said about the Iranians. Iraqi Foreign Minister Hoshyar Zebari, reached by phone in London, said of the report that Iran's Revolutionary Guards were entering the fight: "Frankly I have no idea about that. I am in London now." Syria's conflict has turned Iraq into an important operational base for Iran to aid another ally, the Assad regime, which is dominated by an offshoot of Shiite Islam. Shiite militia trained by Iran, weapons and cash have flowed from Iran to Syria via Iraq. "Iraq is viewed as a vital priority in Iran's foreign policy in the region and they go to any length to protect this interest," said Roozbeh Miribrahimi, an independent Iran expert based in New York. The commander of Iran's Quds Force, Maj. Gen. Qasem Solaimani, went to Baghdad this week.Shahaboddin Vajedi Iran has also positioned troops on full alert along its border with Iraq and has given clearance to its air force to bomb ISIS rebel forces if they come within about 60 miles of Iran's border, according to an Iranian army general. The two IRGC battalions that moved to Iraq on Wednesday were shifted from the Iranian border provinces of Urumieh and Lorestan, the Iranian security officials said. Revolutionary Guards units that serve in Iran's border provinces are the most experienced fighters in guerrilla warfare because of separatist ethnic uprisings in those regions. IRGC commanders dispatched to Syria also often come from those provinces as well. Iran was also considering the transfer to Iraq of Shiite volunteer troops in Syria, if the initial deployments fail to turn the tide of battle in favor of Mr. Maliki's government, the Iranian security officials said. At stake for Iran in Iraq's current tumult isn't only the survival of a Shiite political ally in Baghdad, but the safety of Karbala and Najaf, which along with Mecca and Medina are sacred to Shiites world-wide."The more insecure and isolated Maliki becomes, the more he will need Iran. The growth of ISIS presents a serious threat to Iran. So it would not be surprising to see the Guards become more involved in Iraq," said Alireza Nader, a senior policy analyst at the Rand Corp. A spokesman for the militant group ISIS, Abu Mohamad al-Adnani, urged the group's Sunni fighters to march toward the "filth-ridden" Karbala and "the city of polytheism" Najaf, where they would "settle their differences" with Iraq's Shiite Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki. Kurdish military units known as peshmerga deployed armor at the provincial capital of Kirkuk on Thursday as Iraq edged closer to full-scale sectarian conflict following lightning strikes on major cities. Agence France-Presse/Getty Images That coarsely worded threat further vindicated Iran's view that the fight unfolding in Iraq is an existential sectarian battle between the two rival sects of Islam-Sunni and Shiite—and by default a proxy battle between their patrons Saudi Arabia and Iran. "Until now we haven't received any requests for help from Iraq. Iraq's army is certainly capable in handling this," Iran's Foreign Ministry spokeswoman Marzieh Afgham said Wednesday. Iranian President Hasan Rouhani cut short a religious celebration on Thursday and said he had to attend an emergency meeting of the country's National Security Council about events in Iraq. "We, as the Islamic Republic of Iran, won't tolerate this violence and terrorism…. We will fight and battle violence and extremism and terrorism in the region and the world," he said in a speech. ISIS's rapid territorial gains in the past few days appeared to have caught Iranian officials by surprise and opened a debate within the regime over whether Iran should publicly enter the battle. Iran's chief of police, Esmail Ahmadi-Moghaddam said the National Security Council would consider intervening in Iraq to "protect Shiite shrines and cities," according to Iranian media. In the short-term, analysts said the outcome of the crisis in Iraq will only strengthen and increase the influence of Iran and the Revolutionary Guards. Write to Farnaz Fassihi at firstname.lastname@example.org