audigger

BAGHDAD April 26, 2012, 05:04 am ET BAGHDAD (AP) — By the time Ibrahim Khaled Mohammed turned to a car dealer looking for an offer, his 1983 Volkswagen Passat could barely move. But here in the Iraqi capital, the bald tires, balky engine and three decades of wear weren't much of a problem. What the buyer really wanted was the old white license plate, a commodity far more valuable than the rusting clunker itself. The dealer paid Mohammed $3,800, counted out in U.S. hundred-dollar bills. "Without the plate, it wouldn't have been worth more than $500," Mohammed said. Demand for new cars is soaring in Iraq as salaries rise and the level of violence creeps lower. That is good news for automakers such as General Motors Co. and Kia Motors Corp., which are reporting a big jump in sales here. The boom is proving lucrative too for dealers of recycled license plates, who profit from a quintessentially Iraqi conundrum: In many cases, the government will not issue new plates on vehicles bought from private dealerships. As a result, many new car buyers pay middlemen for plates salvaged from old vehicles. That can add thousands of dollars to the price of a new car — effectively imposing a tax on first-time buyers that ends up in the hands of savvy businessmen rather than government coffers. "Go to a car dealer, and they'll say: Do you want it with a plate or without?" said Ibrahim Jamil, a businessman who occasionally deals in cars. "If you have the money, you can find a plate." Prices for popular Baghdad tags have skyrocketed past $4000, up from just a few hundred dollars in 2005, according to Jamil and others in the trade. Those looking for plates often turn to extended family or friends, and even knock on the doors of strangers with a broken-down jalopy parked outside, hoping they'd be willing to sell the tags. Because Iraqi plates include the name of the province, those from ethically and religiously mixed regions like the capital are more valuable than ones from areas where one sect predominates. The cheapest plates, dealers say, come from Anbar, Diyala and Salahuddin — provinces where Iraq's minority Sunnis are concentrated. "If you're a Shiite living in a Shiite neighborhood, you won't buy a plate from Ramadi," the capital of Anbar, said plate dealer Khaled Diwan. "You'd be too afraid." He estimates he makes $500 on each plate he sells. For around $4,500, he can find you a plate and take care of the paperwork of changing the plate's registration to the new car owner. The real value, though, is getting enough plates to have ready-installed on the new Hyundais and Kias he sells out of a friend's dealership. "A car with a plate already on it (is) much easier to sell," he said. A surge in new car sales is driving up demand. General Motors says it sold 32,000 vehicles in Iraq last year. That is up from 19,000 in 2010 and fewer than 1,500 just five years ago. Iraq recently became GM's second biggest regional market after Saudi Arabia, said John Stadwick, the company's Mideast president and managing director. Business is so good that GM is building a fancy new showroom that Stadwick predicts "will probably be the nicest building in Baghdad" when it opens later this year. Ford and Chrysler are reporting gains too. So are European and Asian automakers. South Korea's Kia sold more than 9,000 vehicles in the first three months of this year, up 47 percent over the same period a year ago, according to spokesman Michael Choo. But the plates problem is a brake slowing sales, say those in the industry. "Especially for small cars," said Mohammed Khadr, the sales and marketing manager for GM's distributor. "A guy who's buying a $10,000 vehicle still has to pay $5000 for the plate. ... That's a 50 percent increase." Hassan al-Kaabi, the Baghdad-based sales manager for Volkswagen and Audi, said he has an employee who specializes in finding plates for customers. "The buyer doesn't have the time, so we do it for them. It's just another service we provide," he said during an interview in a new reinforced glass showroom in Baghdad's bustling Karrada neighborhood. The service doesn't come free, though. "Of course they complain about the prices," he said. The government does issue new plates in some cases. One is if you buy a new car from the state-run dealer or through infrequent government auctions. But many customers bypass the government offerings because the selection and add-on options are limited, and it can take months before popular models become available. New plates are also available under a government program aimed at getting the large number of aging clunkers off the road — the legacy of a flood of used cars that poured into Iraq following the 2003 U.S.-led invasion. Those cars received black temporary plates issued amid the chaos after Saddam Hussein's fall. So owners of a temporary-plated car above a certain age can bring it to a state junkyard and walk away with a new, white plate to put on a new car — though after paying what might add up to hefty back fees. Brig. Najim Abdul-Jaber, spokesman for the Traffic Police Directorate, defends the limits on new plates as a way to limit congestion and remove aging vehicles. He has little sympathy for Iraqis who complain the unregulated plate market drives up prices. "The people who buy new cars don't care. They're happy to pay that much to show off their new cars," he said. Khadr, from the GM distributor, argues that the number of old cars has thinned, and it's time for a straightforward registration system "like anywhere in the world. "More people would be willing to buy new cars if you didn't have this system," agreed Diwan, the Hyundai and Kia salesman. "It makes things difficult."

We will not be able to live with dictatorship,’ says Massoud Barzani IRBIL, Kurdistan (AP) — The president of Iraq’s self-ruled Kurdish region has demanded that Shiite leaders agree on sharing power with their political opponents by September or else the Kurds could consider breaking away from Baghdad. The warning by Kurdish leader Massoud Barzani in an interview Wednesday with The Associated Press underscores that Shiite domination in Iraq’s government is reviving secession dreams that the now departed American military had tried to contain. “What threatens the unity of Iraq is dictatorship and authoritarian rule,” Barzani said in a 45-minute interview in his sprawling office outside of Irbil, the capital of the Kurdish region he leads in northern Iraq. “If Iraq heads toward a democratic state, then there will be no trouble. But if Iraq heads toward a dictatorial state, then we will not be able to live with dictatorship.” He called it a “very dangerous political crisis in the country” and said the impasse must be broken by September, when voters in the Kurdish region may consider a referendum for a state independent of Iraq. “They have to decide if they are willing to accept to live under a dictatorial regime or not,” Barzani said. “They have to make that decision. It is their natural right.” Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki’s media adviser, Ali al-Moussawi, declined immediate comment. The specter of a divided Iraq has been discussed — and dismissed by many — for months. Barzani said Wednesday that he is still committed to negotiating a compromise before promoting secession. But he insisted it will be an option if the government logjam continues for much longer. Barzani is the highest-ranking Iraqi official to disavow al-Maliki’s government for sidelining its political opponents and, in some cases, persecuting them in what critics call an unabashed power grab. He stopped short of demanding that al-Maliki step down to ease the crisis. But he left little doubt that tensions between the central government in Baghdad and the three-province Kurdish region have reached a new high. Iraq expert Ramzy Mardini, with the Institute for the Study of War in Washington, said Barzani’s comments likely are aimed more at getting al-Maliki to bend to Kurds on some positions instead of containing a real threat to secede. He noted that Kurds are years away from having enough oil and gas infrastructure to produce the resources necessary to support an independent state. Oil disputes — specifically Baghdad’s blacklisting of ExxonMobil from bidding on new projects as punishment for plans to work in the Iraqi Kurdish region — have been at the heart of recent feuding between the two sides. “A unified Iraq is at the center of US policy and concerns every neighboring state,” Mardini said. “Despite the real financial barriers, the very talk about Kurdish independence still makes everyone uneasy. It’s unwise to underestimate the role Kurdish aspirations and fears play in their calculus regarding statehood.” The Kurdish region in Iraq’s north is politically autonomous, although it does receive a share of the nation’s $100 billion annual budget. It was created as a haven for the country’s ethnic Kurds in the 1970s after years of fighting with the central government. Kurds account for up to 20 percent of Iraq’s population; it is unknown how many of them live in the northern region since there has been no census taken for years. Neighboring Turkey and Iran have been concerned that an independent and prosperous Iraqi Kurdistan might promote separatism among their own Kurdish minority populations. Iran’s semiofficial Mehr news agency reported Wednesday that four troops from Iran’s powerful Revolutionary Guards were killed in clashes with Kurdish rebels in western Iran the previous day. During the early years of the Iraq war, the US worked hard to ensure that the Kurds remained part of the Iraqi state, encouraging all parties to give the Kurds a major role in the government. Kurdish approval of the Iraqi constitution in 2005 was hailed as a major victory for US policy. Relations between the central government in Baghdad and the Kurdish region long have been strained, and Barzani has threatened previously to break off the region from Iraq. But Barzani may feel more emboldened now that the US troops have gone, and since talks last week in Ankara signaled a burgeoning partnership between the Kurdish region and neighboring Turkey. On Wednesday, Barzani signaled he was impatient with requests by President Barack Obama and Vice President Joe Biden for the Kurds to work with the al-Maliki government. “They reiterated they support a federal, democratic, pluralistic, united Iraq. And I reassured them that certainly if Iraq is democratic, federal and pluralistic, it will be united,” Barzani said. “Certainly, we have reservations about their policy and their attitude.” “We cannot sit and do nothing or try nothing to remedy the situation.” Barzani also said he “wholeheartedly” supports Sunni desires to create their own self-rule regions in Iraq. Sunni lawmakers, whose Iraqiya political coalition won the most seats in 2010 parliamentary elections but were outmaneuvered by al-Maliki for the right to form the government, bitterly complain they have no say in Iraq’s power structure. Sunni lawmaker Hamid al-Mutlaq said many of his constituents have been lukewarm about creating a self-rule Sunni region. “But because of the injustice they are experiencing, due to the practices of the government security forces especially concerning arrests, marginalization and double standards, that makes them call for creating these regions,” al-Mutlaq said. Iraq’s top Sunni official, Vice President Tariq al-Hashemi, is wanted on government terrorism charges that his supporters call trumped up and Barzani said Wednesday were politically motivated. Lawmaker Ali al-Alak, a member of the State of Law political coalition that al-Maliki leads, said Kurdish secession should not be an option. “The problems can’t be resolved by issuing threats, but through dialogue,” al-Alak said. “If one party tries to impose solutions on others, then this a dictatorship scenario. We are with unity of Iraq and we strongly reject dividing Iraq and its people.” Others feel it is al-Maliki who is dividing the Iraqi people. Al-Maliki kept his job in 2010 only after corralling enough support from Kurdish lawmakers and the hardline followers of Shiite cleric Muqtada al-Sadr. Now, even Sadrist lawmakers are increasingly irritated with the government’s long-standing dismissal of their concerns. “The current political situation in Iraq is like a time bomb that could explode at any moment,” said Sadrist lawmaker Bahaa al-Araji. He said the political strain between al-Maliki and the Kurds could be the first domino to fall in a broken Iraq: “Baghdad has the same problems with other provinces,” al-Araji said. “This will lead to dividing Iraq, and there will be no Iraq on the world map.

Saudi Arabia, Qatar, UAE, Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman, would all have to change thier currency, Saudi Arabia said that Iraq could join the GCC if they get thier @*!^ together. but playing with iran could be problems

no its the new gulf currency check this site http://www.4thringroad.com/?p=6056

could this be the new dinars coming in 2015

Executive Summary And Recommendations A simmering conflict over territories and resources in northern Iraq is slowly coming to a boil. In early April 2012, the Kurdistan regional government (KRG) suspended its supply of oil for export through the national Iraqi pipeline, claiming Baghdad had not fully repaid operating costs to producing companies. The federal government responded by threatening to deduct what the oil would have generated in sales from the KRG’s annual budget allocation, potentially halving it. This latest flare-up in perennially tense Erbil-Baghdad relations has highlighted the troubling fact that not only have the two sides failed to resolve their differences but also that, by striking out on unilateral courses, they have deepened them to the point that a solution appears more remote than ever. It is late already, but the best way forward is a deal between Baghdad and Erbil, centred on a federal hydrocarbons law and a compromise on disputed territories. International actors – the UN with its technical expertise, the U.S. given its unique responsibility as well as strategic interest in keeping things on an even keel – should launch a new initiative to bring the two back to the table. Each side has its narrative, based on history, accumulated grievances and strong sense of entitlement. For now, neither is inclined to settle the conflict peacefully through serious, sustained negotiations, as each believes its fortunes are on the rise, and time is on its side. They are wrong: time is running out, as unilateral, mutually harmful moves are pushing the relationship to the breaking point, with the hydrocarbons-driven stakes and attendant emotions so high that conflict looks more promising to them than accommodation and compromise. The two unwilling partners in an Iraqi enterprise born of colonial machinations – Arabs and Kurds – have spent 90 years in unhappy cohabitation. Kurds have waited for the moment when they will succeed in removing the shackles of an overbearing, at times highly repressive, central state. They know that when Baghdad is weak, they can take steps to bring their dream of statehood closer to reality, but that when the centre is strong it will use its superior resources to push them back into their place – or worse. This is why the Kurds are so alarmed at attempts by Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki to amass power at the expense of his rivals and rebuild a strong state, armed with U.S. weaponry, under his unchallenged control. Ever since arriving in Baghdad on the coattails of the U.S. invasion in 2003, the Kurds understandably have used their new position and the centre’s weakness to develop their own region. They seek to reverse a legacy of discrimination and economic neglect but also to create an escape route should relations with Baghdad sour beyond repair. Yet, in many ways, this approach contains elements of a self-fulfilling prophecy: by pressing their advantage, Kurds inevitably aggravate matters, convincing the federal government that they are aiming for secession – and aiming to take with them a good chunk of disputed territory that Kurds claim as historically part of a notional Kurdistan but that also appears to be immensely rich in oil and gas. Perhaps most worrying to Baghdad, Kurdish leaders have lured international companies to explore and exploit the region’s suspected hydrocarbons wealth. Nor have they stopped at the Green Line that divides their region from the rest of Iraq; instead, they have signed contracts for acreage located squarely in disputed territories. The latest (and largest) to agree to play this game was ExxonMobil,www.ekurd.net which arrived on the scene in October 2011, taking six blocks, two of which, along with a corner of a third, lie across the Green Line. It thus placed itself at the heart of the conflict, potentially accelerating the centrifugal forces that are tearing at the Iraqi fabric. While ExxonMobil may have calculated that by doing so it could help bring Baghdad and Erbil to the table and effect progress on a federal hydrocarbons law, the likelier outcome is that both sides will further entrench their positions, thus increasing the chances of violent conflict. From Baghdad’s perspective, the Kurds are making mincemeat of any attempt to have a unified federal oil strategy; increasingly, it views them as untrustworthy partners in government who are seeking to break up the country. But the Kurds face a problem. While they pursue an independent oil policy and have taken important steps toward that end by drafting their own oil law in 2007 and signing over 40 contracts with foreign oil companies without Baghdad’s input or approval, they lack the means to export their oil without Baghdad’s help and therefore its permission. To date, the federal government has used its control over the national pipeline network, as well as its hold on the treasury and budget, to rein in the Kurds’ ambitions. Hemmed in by Baghdad and anxious to become economically self-sufficient, Erbil is turning its eyes to another potential outlet for its oil: Turkey. Massoud Barzani, the Kurdish region’s president, reportedly told foreign visitors to his mountain redoubt that if Maliki remains in power beyond the 2014 parliamentary elections, the Kurds would go their own way. Not coincidentally, 2014 is when the Kurdish region expects to complete construction of its own strategic oil pipeline, one that skirts (federal government) Iraqi territory before reaching the border with Turkey. For Kurdish leaders, economic dependency on a democratic neighbour with an attractive window on the West is far preferable to a continued chokehold by a regime displaying authoritarian tendencies – all of which raises the question of what Ankara would do if the Kurds ask it to take their oil without Baghdad’s approval. Turkey’s main objective in Iraq has been to keep it unified. To this end, it has undertaken economic steps since 2007 that would bind the country’s various parts into an economic union, hoping that politics, especially the relationship between Baghdad and Erbil, would follow suit. It also has encouraged both sides to agree to a federal hydrocarbons law, the added benefit of such legislation being that energy-poor Turkey could import oil and gas from Iraq’s immense southern fields, as well as from the Kurdish region, coming closer to fulfilling its aspiration of becoming a major transit corridor for regional hydrocarbons. The Kurds hope, however, that Turkey’s thirst for oil and gas will align with their own thirst for statehood. Ankara is unlikely to shift course, frustration with its neighbour’s failure to agree on oil legislation and its eagerness to purchase oil and gas from the Kurdish region notwithstanding. Ideally, it would import Kurdish products without jeopardising its relationship with Baghdad, though that seems beyond reach. The Kurds have not lost hope. As they see it, a regional crisis – such as war between Iran and the U.S. or the break-up of neighbouring Syria – might constitute a game-changing occurrence, persuading Ankara to risk its relations with Baghdad in exchange for energy security and a stable (Kurdish) buffer against an unpredictable, possibly chaotic, suspiciously pro-Iranian and increasingly authoritarian Arab Iraq. But such scenarios might not unfold and, for a multitude of reasons, one must hope they do not. The answer to the current impasse, in other words, is not to wish for a cataclysmic event with potentially devastating repercussions for all. It is not to bank on the central Iraqi government surrendering resource-rich territories it deems its own and has the means to hold on to by force. And it is not to gamble on a radical move by Turkey toward a separate deal with the KRG when Ankara has its own, deep-seated fears concerning a potentially newly invigorated Kurdish population on its own territory. For Baghdad and Erbil, reaching a deal will be very difficult. But the alternatives surely would be far worse. RECOMMENDATIONS To the Government of Iraq and the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG): 1. Reduce tensions and improve the environment for resolving differences by: a) re-committing publicly to a negotiated solution to the status of disputed internal boundaries and the conflict over oil and gas contracts; agreeing to take no further unilateral steps in disputed territories, such as issuing new oil and gas contracts; and c) refraining from inflammatory rhetoric concerning mutual relations, the status of disputed internal boundaries and the issuance of oil and gas contracts in disputed territories, especially (in the Kurds’ case) in the run-up to provincial elections in the Kurdish region on 27 September 2012. 2. Work, along with other Iraqi parties and alliances, toward the success of a planned but delayed national conference regarding a practicable power-sharing arrangement in Baghdad. 3. Resume negotiations promptly on the status of disputed internal boundaries and a federal hydrocarbons law and agree, as part of such negotiations, to open channels of communication and coordinated action, including: a) a channel for frequent communication between Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki and KRG President Masoud Barzani or their designated senior representatives; and the appointment of a non-voting official from each side to, respectively, the Iraqi cabinet and the KRG’s council of ministers to promote early flagging of disputes. To the Government of Iraq: 4. Speed up payments to producing companies operating in the Kurdish region, as agreed. 5. Refrain from inflammatory rhetoric toward Turkey. To the Kurdistan Regional Government: 6. Resume export of oil through the Iraqi national pipeline at agreed volumes. To International Oil Companies: 7. Refrain from signing contracts with either the government of Iraq or the KRG for acreage located in disputed territories; and suspend all operations in disputed territories until the status of internal disputed boundaries has been resolved. To the Government of Turkey: 8. Refrain from inflammatory rhetoric toward the Maliki government, continue to emphasise Turkey’s interest in the unity of Iraq and engage with the Maliki government and the KRG to assist them to come to an agreement over the status of disputed internal boundaries and a federal hydrocarbons law. To the UN Assistance Mission for Iraq (UNAMI): 9. Revive the high-level task force, at least to address flare-ups along the trigger line; support negotiations between Iraqi stakeholders on disputed internal boundaries by providing technical expertise and political advice at all levels; and propose specific confidence-building steps in the disputed territories based on its April 2009 report. 10. Should these negotiations reach a dead end on their individual tracks, move Iraqi stakeholders toward a grand bargain combining the issues of power, resources and territories, as proposed in the mission’s April 2009 report. To the U.S. Government: 11. Support the early start of negotiations between the Iraqi government and the KRG on the status of disputed internal boundaries and a federal hydrocarbons law and provide full financial and diplomatic backing to UNAMI in mediating stakeholder talks. 12. Use military assistance (equipment and training) as leverage to press the Iraqi government and the KRG to refrain from unilateral steps in disputed territories, including by army and Kurdish regional guard units or by issuing oil and gas contracts; and strengthen mechanisms aimed at improving communications and security cooperation to reduce chances of violent conflict. 13. Announce and reaffirm publicly its policy of advising international oil and gas companies not to sign contracts for acreage located in disputed territories, and persuade those that have signed such deals to suspend all operations in disputed territories until the status of internal disputed boundaries has been resolved.

SULAIMANIYAH, Kurdistan region 'Iraq', — The death of the deputy governor for Sulaimaniyah district, so called the “Zana Gate” is much more tragic than the famous Nixon’s Watergate scandal. Here the tragedy is not the death of one person but the fate of all the Iraqi citizens who are suffering daily from the corruption which gives them no chance to rebuild their country. Saddam was President of Iraq for almost 24 years and 9 years after him the Minister of Labour and Social Affairs Nassar al-Rubaiewas happy to announce that the poverty rate in Iraq fell from 23 percent to 17 percent at the end of 2011, while a majority of population still relies on ration cards. Don’t tell me about the pain just show us the babies! The oil production is up again and being sold at a record price level. Well unfortunately the babies are all gone abroad in foreign banks accounts. Billions of dollars have been smuggled out of Iraq to Switzerland, Dubai, Beyrouth without forgetting the nice villas being bought in the USA or the UK. Last February the FATF (Financial Action Task Force) released its new list of 17 countries which are on the black list and among them Turkey, Syria,www.ekurd.net Iran having a border with Iraq. But Iraq is not on anyone list. You don’t pay any tax in Iraq excepted to the insurgents of the ISI who are only one able to collect them, but Iraq is not classified as tax heaven. Iraq oil curse is such that not a single Western country dares to put the country on any black list. Every western country as a law to prevent the banks from opening publically exposed persons (PEP) such as the RIAA in Switzerland (Restitution of Illicit Assets), the UK has a brand new Bribery Act, the FCPA for the US, just to mention a few countries. Why don’t they freeze the bank accounts of the Iraqis and their straw men while they are easy to detect. Only the Iraqi , Kurds or not, having a diplomatic passport or a Shengen visa can open a bank account abroad and thus launder the money of the smuggling activities or what has been stolen directly for the federal budget. Let us launch an appeal to all the Embassies: Please your Excellencies, we appreciate all your kind help and your efforts to rebuild Iraq but could you just apply the rule of law in your own country and make sure that when we have a “Zana Gate” the proceeds of the numerous crimes do not remain sleeping in an offshore account and cannot be used at all. The fate of Iraq relies on those billions USD sleeping abroad for which we paid a very heavy price. Just blacklist Iraq and freeze the accounts abroad you will do us nothing but good.

Iraq's refinery situation must change Iraq has repeatedly stated that it intends to build four modern and complex refineries with a total capacity of 750 thousand barrels a day This week a conference will be held in London under the title ‘Iraq Refinery 2012'. The Ministry of Oil is sending a high level delegation to the conference and said in a letter to the organisers that it "will use this event as an occasion to present the programme for planned future refineries, the redevelopment of the existing refinery infrastructure, and our strategy for the redevelopment of the refining and petroleum industry in general. The Ministry will use this event to engage in constructive dialogue and exchanges for effective collaboration and joint venture opportunities." For some time now, Iraq has repeatedly stated that it intends to build four modern and complex refineries with a total capacity of 750 thousand barrels a day and is apparently using the occasion to promote private investment in these refineries. A few years ago, Iraq promulgated a law allowing private investment in refineries and amended the law to give investors a 5 percent discount on crude oil in addition to other incentives and a guarantee to buy the products at international prices, while allowing the investor to export surpluses. Iraq also went ahead in almost completing front end engineering and design (FEED) with a cost running in tens of millions of dollars for each refinery. Yet no interest was shown so far by any investor and it is unlikely that any will come forward in the short term. Article continues below There is no doubt that Iraq needs to expand its refining industry though, in parallel, priority should also be given to rehabilitating, modernising and expanding the processing of existing refineries to rid them of the heavy end of the barrel and reduce the crude oil needed to satisfy the demand. The capacity of existing refineries stood at about 700,000 barrels a day in 2002 but now is at 800,000. But these refineries keep working on average of 65-70 per cent of capacity and sometimes less for various reasons ranging from refinery status or local conditions and the general situation in the country since the occupation. Therefore, to satisfy domestic demand, Iraq resorted to importing large quantities of light petroleum products as early as 2003 when it was actually exporting substantial amount of products in 2002. In the years 2004-2011, Iraq imported on average 3.7 million tonnes a year of light products such as LPG, kerosene, gasoil and especially gasoline. The total imports since 2003 may be more than 30 million tonnes at a cost running into billions, which would have been more than sufficient to finance the expansion of the existing refineries and build at least two large-scale modern ones. Rising gasoline imports The trend of imports is on the rise and is likely to continue for some time to come. The Ministry of Oil itself estimates that gasoline imports in 2014 could be as high as 47,000 barrels a day or over two million tonnes a year. The ministry, however, believes other products will be in slight surplus but this is doubtful and more imports will be forthcoming. The problems with imports are not just the cost associated with them but the huge logistics problem of importing through a single-entry point in the south and delivering the products throughout the country. At the same time the import facility is a makeshift arrangement and Iraq needs to have a proper and independent arrangement for this operation, which can be used for exporting products when conditions improve. If Iraq is intent on privatising the refineries, the question may be asked why the ministry did not include this programme as a factor when it awarded many fields and a huge portion of the country's reserves to international oil companies. For private investors, refinery investment is difficult in the best of circumstances due the limited margin of profit most of the time. But for a government in an oil-producing country there are many advantages in building these refineries to secure the demand for oil products, provide employment, improve infrastructure and introduce new skills and technology which can spill over to other sections of the economy. Iraq only has to look to the progress made in some neighbouring countries which have adopted similar programmes. Iraq has to face the responsibility of at least building the first refinery expeditiously using its own resources. At the same time the site selection of the new refineries appears to have been influenced by a desire to please local governments rather than satisfy an optimum objective for the whole country. This has to be reviewed while there is still time.

ERBIL-Hewlêr, Kurdistan region 'Iraq', — Ward Welch: Mr. Aziz, thank you very much for taking my questions today. For years now we've been hearing about the CBI's plan to "remove the zeros" from the Iraqi Dinar and equalize the value of the IQD with the other major currencies of the world, including the American Dollar. With the success of the recent Arab summit in Baghdad, and the imminent release of Iraq from the United Nations sanctions (Chapter 7), what are your thoughts concerning this subject? Raber Aziz: I think the removing of the zeros will have its own benefits and consequences for the country alike. It will be good for Iraq to remove the zeros because this address; when the Iraqi dinar is strong in the face of US dollars it will help keep inflation down as much as possible. It will also facilitate, for Iraq, economic cooperation with the international banks as it will increase the international confidence and credibility of it the new Iraqi Dinar. Also, it will reduce the size of the bank notes in circulation and will simplify Iraq's payment system. But the having a new and strong Dinar is expected to have consequences as well. one of the consequences will be money laundering. The CBI has said the zero-removing process, which is expected to take place in September as it has announced, will see the bank re-print 30tr dinars ($26bn) and the process of switching currency will last a full year where both the old and new currencies will be dealt in the market. This is too long a period and could witness lots of money laundering, as well as fraud. Q: With Iraq taking its place in the world as a completely sovereign nation and a major power in the Arab world, how can Iraq continue to trade with the world using a highly undervalued currency? Certainly the impetus of the GOI and the CBI must be to rectify this condition very soon or risk losing billions of dollars (trillions of IQD) in foreign investments in Iraq. Raber Aziz: Iraq cannot continue to trade with the world using the current undervalued currency. Iraq's current money, printed after the 2003 US-led war, is 150 times bigger in quantity than the Swiss edition of the Iraqi Dinar used in the country. Iraq's smallest bill used in the markets is the 250 Dinar bill (approximately US$0.2) and this is definitely not a good currency for the country that sells over 2 million bpd of oil (over 6 billion US Dollar per day). Besides, Iraq is planning to increase its oil production to reach at least 6 million bpd in the next few years and ultimately 12 million bpd. That's even three times and six times the size of Iraq's current revenues. This will mean Iraq's annual revenues will hit US$210 in the coming days and over US$400 billion ultimately. And for this, Iraq requires a currency with strong value in the world market. Q: With this new economic power in hand, will this increase the desire of Kurdistan to gain complete independence and sovereignty? Raber Aziz: The desire of the Kurds to become independent is, and has always been, there with or without the economic power in hand. Every single Kurd dreams of an independent Kurdistan state. Though economic boom is a factor for any nation to proclaim independence, in the case of Kurdistan there are other factors that determine whether the Kurds want to be independent from Iraq or not. The first of these factors will be an international recognition of a Kurdish state. Who is ready to recognize a Kurdish state in north of Iraq? Kurds first need guarantees that if they proclaim independence their state will be recognized on an international level and be protected by some of the world's super powers,www.ekurd.net among them the US. Another factor will be the Kurds' relations with the regional nations. Kurdistan, I mean the greater Kurdistan that spans Turkey, Syria, Iraq and Iran, and the Kurdish part of Iraq as well, is a landlocked country. Kurdistan cannot survive without strong friendly relations with these countries in case they wanted to become independent. Q: How will this rebirth of economic power in Iraq effect the relationship between the political blocks? (Will the new wealth encourage them to put religious, secular, and tribal differences aside and truly work together?) Raber Aziz: I don't think that it will result in the political blocs putting their differences aside. Iraq's Prime Minister Mr Nouri al-Maliki who has been controlling power over the past few years has unfortunately been playing on a very sensitive cord, namely sectarianism. He has appointed many of his Shiite Dawa Party officials as ministers or high-ranking officials in the government and has been running many other ministerial and senior positions like the ministries of interior, defense, national security as acting minister despite him being the PM. He has been rejecting candidates of the rival al-Iraqiya list, the main Sunni bloc in Iraq, for the empty ministries each time with a different excuse since the end of 2010 when the political blocs finally, after an 8-month impasse came to a power-sharing deal, in Erbil, to form the new cabinet. And, last year, his Shiite dominated government started removing Sunni academics on charges of belonging to the former Baath Party. They detained about 600 former Iraqi army officials on charges of planning a coup by the end of 2011 when the last US troop left Iraq, and also started hunting down other top Sunni leaders in the country on terror charges, among them VP Tariq al-Hashimi for involvement in 150 armed attacks. Therefore, it is not easy to undo these, and thus the sectarian disputes which are in fact the core of the political disputes as well, will remain. Q: Thank you very much for your valuable time sir.

Iraq's parliament has sent a letter to the cabinet telling it not to interfere in monetary policy, a parliamentary source said, in a skirmish over central bank independence that reflects concerns over the extent of Prime Minister Nuri al-Maliki's influence. Maliki won a court ruling in January 2011 putting independent bodies like the Central Bank of Iraq under the cabinet, alarming critics who view with suspicion signs of authoritarianism in some of his actions. He said this would not affect the CBI's independence, but other moves by Maliki, a Shi'ite, against senior Sunni politicians and his control over key security ministries have raised concern that he is trying to consolidate his power. A source in the office of parliament speaker Osama al-Nujaifi said parliament had sent the cabinet a letter reminding it that setting monetary policy was not in its mandate and that it should not assert its authority unconstitutionally. Parliament sent the letter after cabinet wrote to the CBI stating that it should have a say in its monetary decisions, lawmakers who received a copy of that letter said. "This is not the first time the government has tried to impose its control over the central bank," Jaber al-Jaberi, a lawmaker and member of parliament's finance committee, told Reuters. "Every time they try, and then talks erupt, and then they reach an agreement. But then they try all over again," he said. Parliament said on its website that Nujaifi met with CBI Governor Sinan al-Shibibi on Tuesday to confirm its support for the bank's independence in accordance with the constitution. "It is necessary that the central bank remains independent from government in order to prevent a hand (controlling) Iraq's money and to execute international rulings issued against Iraq by its debtors," Nujaifi told Shibibi, according to the website. "The central bank has $60 billion in reserve and this reserve should (be safe)," said Najiba Najib, a lawmaker and a member of parliament's financial committee. "Central bank policy should be away from any executive side in order to work professionally and independently." Much of Iraq's external debt was settled via the Paris Club of sovereign creditors in 2004, in a deal that required Baghdad to seek similar settlements with all other creditors. But some commercial creditors have won court cases and do not accept the terms of that settlement, meaning Iraq has yet to settle its debts with them.

ERBIL-Hewlêr, Kurdistan region 'Iraq', — Kurds may join other Iraqi forces to attempt to remove Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki - who has been accused of autocracy and dictatorship - if he continues in his political behavior, said a Kurdish observer. Falakaddin Kakayi, who is a former KRG minister and close to President of the Kurdistan Region Massoud Barzani, said Barzani is expected to hold talks with the Kurdish and Iraqi political forces about “the current situations in Iraq, in particular discussing the situations in Baghdad, the direction of which show that it is stepping into dictatorship”. No dates for such meetings have been set yet, according to Kakayi. Barzani has just concluded his time in the US and is now due to visit Hungary in addition to other European countries. Kakayi said: "Now part of the political forces in Iraq are working on removing Maliki from his position as PM. And I believe that if Maliki continues his current behavior and dealing with the Kurdistan Region then I think the Kurds in the future will join those parties who are after such a bid." Barzani criticized Maliki in an address last month during the Newroz celebrations for his autocratic rule and grip of power. He also warned that if problems between the Kurdistan Region and Baghdad remained unsolved then the Kurdish leadership would take action according to the will of the Kurdish people. Political sciences academic Bukhari Abdullah said: “The way Nouri al-Maliki rules clearly shows autocracy and is heading towards dictatorship. Since he his accession to power,www.ekurd.net he is in disputes with many of Iraq’s political parties. “Over the last two years he has even entered disputes with those parties who were his allies. His disputes are not only with the Kurds and the Sunni Arabs, but also with part of the Shiites as well." Part of the problems between Maliki and the mainly-Sunni bloc, al-Iraqiya, stem from Maliki's rejection of Iraqiya's candidates for the positions they were entitled to under the Erbil agreements. In December 2010 the political parties came to a power-sharing deal following an eight-month deadlock after a series of meetings held in Erbil under the supervision of Barzani. But ever since, Maliki has been working as acting Defense Minister, National Security Minister, Interior Minister and acting intelligence chief. Abdullah said the “administration of these positions is not Maliki’s specialty and this is a serious indication that Maliki’s behaviors lead him to dictatorship”. Al-Iraqiya spokesperson Maysoon al-Damluji told AKnews earlier today that her bloc is seeking a consensus with other political blocs to withdraw confidence from al-Maliki’s cabinet Kurdistan region 'Iraq', — Iraqi Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki - who has been accused of autocracy and dictatorship - may face a vote of no confidence if he continues his current political behaviors. The accusations against al-Maliki increased recently after his Shiite-dominated government started firing Sunni academics from universities on charges of belonging to the outlawed Baath party, detained former Baath Party affiliated Sunnis on charges of planning a coup upon the withdrawal of the US forces, and chased Sunni politicians on terror charges. He also went against the allies in Kurdistan region regarding long awaited issues of oil and gas. The political crisis erupted between Baghdad and Erbil recently after the Kurdistan Region stopped the export of crude oil in protest against the federal government's non-payment of dues owed to foreign companies operating in the region. The Kurdistan Regional Government said the region asked the Baghdad government to pay the foreign companies some $1.5bn (1.7tr IQD), while the latter stated it would pay only $450m (522bn IQD). On Sunday, Maysoon al-Damluji, spokesperson for al-Iraqiya bloc, the main Sunni bloc in Iraqi parliament said the list was seeking a consensus to remove al-Maliki from his position. Damlouji said a national consensus would be sought to withdraw confidence if Iraqiya and the Kurdish Blocs Coalition (KBC) were able to collect 163 votes. Damlouji said Iraqiya has also established ongoing dialogue with parties in the Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki's own National Coalition (NC) bloc for the purpose. Damluji's statement was immediately echoed by Kurdish observers. Falakaddin Kakayi, who is a former KRG minister,www.ekurd.net said Kurds may join other Iraqi forces to attempt to remove the PM if he continues in his political behavior. "And I believe that if Maliki continues his current behavior and dealing with the Kurdistan Region then I think the Kurds in the future will join those parties who are after such a bid." Kakayi said. Maliki has been accused of creating more issues in Iraq than solving them. There are issues on a national level that affect all Iraq, and other issues regarding Kurdistan Region-Baghdad relations. On a national level, the PM has been rejection al-Iraqiya's candidates for the ministerial positions they were entitled to under the Erbil agreements in 2010 when political parties came to a power-sharing deal following an eight-month deadlock after a series of meetings held in Erbil under the supervision of Barzani. But ever since, Maliki has been working as acting Defense Minister, National Security Minister, Interior Minister and acting intelligence chie f – and this has been described by the political parties as a monopoly of authorities. Bukhari Abdullah, a Kurdish political sciences academic said the "administration of these positions is not Maliki's specialty and this is a serious indication that Maliki's behaviors lead him to dictatorship". "Over the last two years he has even entered disputes with those parties who were his allies too. His disputes are not only with the Kurds and the Sunni Arabs, but also with part of the Shiites as well." President of Kurdistan Region, Massoud Barzani, also criticized Maliki for his "autocratic" rule last month in an address during the Nawroz festivities in Kurdistan Region. He also warned that if problems between the Kurdistan Region and Baghdad remained unsolved then the Kurdish leadership would take action according to the will of the Kurdish people. Barzani also said during a US Congress address last week that "Iraq is heading towards a crisis, autocracy has emerged; control of the majority of the state institutions is growing every day" "After I am back [to Kurdistan] we will seriously make efforts to find radical solutions for them in a specified timeframe. We will not be convinced with futile promises like before." He said. MP Salman al-Musawi, who is close to Nouri al-Maliki, said Sunday that the Iraqi PM has instructed all Iraqis to remain silent about the ongoing crisis with the Kurdistan Region to preserve the historic relationship which brings together Shiites and Kurds. "On the Kurdish side, [they] must understand that our position comes from our sense to keep the good relationship with Kurds and that does not mean or interpret as a position of weakness," he said.

It has been nine years since U.S. forces removed a brutal tyrant in Iraq at a huge cost in lives and treasure, but already the country is slipping back into the clutches of a dangerous new one-man rule, which inevitably will lead to full dictatorship, and already it is dashing hopes for a prosperous, stable, federal and democratic Iraq. Exploiting the unconditional support of Tehran and the indifference of Washington, Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki has violated the constitution to consolidate his own power by using security and military forces to intimidate and oppress political rivals and, indeed, the general population, as manifested in his suppression of peaceful demonstrations in Iraq. Mr. al-Maliki presides over an increasingly Kafkaesque bureaucracy characterized by corruption and brutality, relying on the compromised judiciary as a weapon against political opponents while concealing the crimes of his cronies. The government falls short of providing basic services, including clean water, electricity and decent health care; the unemployment rate among our frustrated youth is above 30 percent, making them easy recruits for terrorists and prey for gangs; the security situation is deteriorating day by day in spite of an increase in special security forces. Unfortunately, some of these forces turn out to be part of the problem, operating torture chambers tied directly to the prime minister himself, as widely reported by international human rights organizations. Of even greater concern is the increasing number of attempts to quash or take over institutions that are supposed to be independent, such as the elections, integrity and communication commissions and, most recently, the Central Bank. These, among other disturbing acts, are chilling reminders of the governance pattern established by dictatorship. More recently, Mr. al-Maliki stepped up his rhetoric against the government of the Kurdistan region. This was partly on the heels of Mr. al-Maliki’s unconstitutional moves to target Vice President Tariq al-Hashimi and Deputy Prime Minister Saleh al-Mutlaq immediately after he returned from a trip to the United States. This, in turn, brought Iraqis to make wrongful inferences about Washington’s role in this series of events, in contradiction to the original vision of the United States to build a democratic state in Iraq with civil liberties, national reconciliation, an independent and fair judiciary, and pluralistic political and media systems. Washington’s evident disengagement gave Mr. al-Maliki the confidence to move even closer to his objective of achieving absolute power by blatantly avoiding the implementation of the power-sharing Erbil Agreement sponsored by Masoud Barzani and the White House. Eventually, the political momentum behind the agreement dissolved, allowing the country to drift back into sectarianism and autocratic rule instead of moving forward with reconciliation and reconstruction. The resulting disastrous state of affairs is fanning increasing disillusionment among Iraqis about the role of the United States and its efforts to create a stable democracy in Iraq. With no obvious effort by Washington as the patron of the Erbil Agreement to break the current deadlock, Iraq surely will plunge into violence among Iraq’s sects, ethnic groups and even political parties. Meanwhile, letting the current unhealthy governance run amok will only exacerbate differences and encourage various other governing bodies to declare their own autonomous regions, as recently has been the case in Basra, Anbar, Salahuddin and Diala. This will result in multiple feuds between the central and regional governments on one hand, and among various religious sects and groups jockeying for power on the other hand, risking a repeat of the cycle of vengeful violence during the dark days of 2006-07. The fragmentation of Iraq and a return to sectarian violence will not just tear apart the fabric of Iraq, it will further destabilize an already restless region while undoubtedly inviting the unwanted intervention of neighboring countries, which already are competing for influence in Iraq. Yet, it is possible to avoid this scenario. The United States must step up its efforts through the United Nations to put the political process back on track without delay by insisting on full implementation of the Erbil Agreement in order to establish transparency, the rule of law, national reconciliation, and respect for both the constitution and human rights. While it is up to the Iraqis to find a solution within the terms of our constitution, the United States has always been an important ally in Iraq’s democratic transformation, which is yet incomplete. Today more than ever, America’s support is an imperative if we want to avoid seeing Iraq fall back in the hands of one person and his party. The White House still has considerable leverage on the al-Maliki government, and it should use such leverage to ensure that the huge sacrifices of the Iraqi and American peoples have not gone in vain. This is the only hope left for Iraq to escape what seems to be a sure march toward the fate of a failing state, which will be marred with wars, corruption and authoritarian rule, further fueling terrorism in an already unstable region. That would be an avoidable and tragic legacy to the U.S. role in the country, with disastrous consequences for the world. Ayad Allawi is the former interim prime minister of Iraq.

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The Regiment (9 Bader) asked Kurds in Baghdad and areas of Arab land within a week to leave for Kurdistan. A statement from the spokesman for the regiment (9 Badr) Abu Abdullah Muhammadawi, a copy received by the agency secrets of the East "informer" as saying: "We call on all Kurds, especially in the capital Baghdad to leave Arab lands and return to the (Masoud Barzani region) He added: "It is difficult we have to ask the Kurds to leave, but unfortunately this is the will of the President of the region and Kurds, some lawmakers who described the differences between central and regional authority the war." He continued: "The Kurds in frame of one week have to leave starting on 4/4/2012, otherwise we will take up arms against Barzani and his followers, has Forewarned is forearmed." It is worth mentioning that Muhammadawi Secretary General of the coalition of those who care about the people of Iraq said in previous statements that the coalition of the Sons of Iraq has completed the formation of 9 Badr Brigade, which includes volunteers from civil society organizations from all Iraqi factions representing the Arab tribes of central Iraq and the provinces of Western and Southern

DetailsPublished Date Written by halgord Category: Economy Hits: 32 Central Bank of Iraq tightens rules on buying US dollars Abu Hamza used to buy dollars to a value of US$250,000 (Dh918,300) every week at the Central Bank of Iraq's currency auctions without having to offer any proof of what the money was to be used for. But the regulator is now tightening access to hard currency after demand ballooned amid suspicions some of the cash was being smuggled to Iran and Syria, both struggling with intensifying international sanctions. "They introduced new rules to reduce the number of cash transactions," said Mr Hamza, who runs a currency exchange his family has owned for generations in Baghdad's Karrada district. In February, the central bank asked dealers to submit cheques to identify currency buyers. Yesterday the rules were tightened further, requiring buyers to include a tax clearance to show the "genuineness" of their need for hard currency. At the end of June, Iraqi traders will have to submit an import licence to prove the cash is being used to bring foreign goods into the country. Demand for dollars has doubled since November to about $300 million a day, putting pressure on the nation's foreign reserves of about $60 billion. Syria's currency has declined in value since president Bashar Al Assad's crackdown of an uprising that began a year ago. A US dollar converts to about 95 Syrian pounds on the black market, compared with 48 pounds a year ago. The Iranian rial is now trading at 16,000 to the dollar, versus 12,500 in December. "The attack on the foreign currency in such a short period of time raised a lot of worries," said Mudher Kasim, the deputy governor at the central bank. "Demand was rising sharply, but it wasn't in correlation with the budget. We didn't see the foreign-exchange transactions translating to higher goods and services. Our interpretation was that the reserves were being affected by what is happening in the region, specifically Iran and Syria," he added. Demand plunged after the central bank introduced the new rules. "It was very worrisome to see the drastic change. The decrease in demand meant one of two things: that 90 per cent of the clients attending the auctions did not have bank accounts; or that they had worked as 'ghost traders'," Mr Kasim said. "We don't want to make restrictions, but we want to make sure that the market is well-regulated, that currency dealers are licensed," he added. "In Iraq, everyone is a dealer, and one can round up porters on the street and use their bank accounts to ensure the movement of money is not revealed. We want to make sure that money is actually used for trade finance and is for the benefit of Iraq's economy." The central bank plans to introduce a series of stringent "know your customer" regulations in the coming days, said Mr Kasim. Currency dealers expressed doubts over whether the regulations would work. "I don't have the right to ask my client what he is going to do with the dollars when he takes it from my shop," said Mr Hamza. "It's almost impossible to track where the money is going, because the currency has been taken to the street." Abu Sajjad, who runs a currency store nearby, said: "Terrorists are being smuggled into Iraq. Don't you think it would be easier to smuggle money out of Iraq?"

Iraq’s crude oil exports and revenue rose in March to their highest levels in the nine years since the U.S.-led invasion that toppled former President Saddam Hussein, the head of the State Oil Marketing Organization said. Exports of crude averaged 2.32 million barrels a day, generating monthly sales of $8.4 billion, Falah al-Amri said today in a telephone interview in Baghdad. “We expect export levels to increase further this month,” he said. Iraq holds the world’s fifth-largest oil reserves, according to data from BP Plc that include Canadian oil sands. The Arab nation depends on crude exports for money to rebuild the economy after decades of war and sanctions. Iraq has awarded 15 licenses for oil- and gas-drilling rights to foreign companies in the post-Saddam Hussein era, and it plans a new licensing auction in May. Iraq in March exported an average of 1.92 million barrels a day by sea from its southern Basra terminal and 399,000 barrels a day from the northern oil hub of Kirkuk through a pipeline to Turkey, al-Amri said. Export volumes decreased in January and again in February because bad weather halted marine shipments for several days each month, he said. $118 March Oil Al-Amri said exports in March set a record for the post- Hussein era, without specifying when Iraq last shipped as much crude or generated as much oil revenue as it did last month. The country earned an average monthly sales price for its crude of $118 a barrel in March, he said. It generated $6.6 billion selling oil in February, according to SOMO data. Asim Jihad, an Oil Ministry spokesman, said on Feb. 23 that Iraq expects to export more than 2.6 million barrels a day by the end of 2012. The third-largest producer in the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries plans to increase daily oil production to 3.4 million barrels a day by the end of the year, up from about 3 million barrels in 2011, he said.

There are a number of economic experts, the general atmosphere of the Arab summit, especially the economic ones suitable for the development of the reality of the Iraqi economy and openness to the Arab reality. . The president of the Securities Commission Abdul Razzaq al-Saadi told (Voices of Iraq that 'the Arab summit in Baghdad and will be preceded by meetings of the economic Stsham in the development of Iraq in El Arab economic action is bigger, and that the Iraqi economy will witness a development in the case find more openness to the Arab reality' . Saadi explained that 'the Securities Commission, which is an active member of the Union of Arab Stock Exchange will consider strengthening this role and to work positively to support this sector, further solidifying the joint Arab action in this sector'. For his part, said economic expert, Bassem Jamil Anton that 'Summit will be an opportunity for Iraq to take advantage of the Arab spring and the variables in the region to attract investment and promote the economic side with the Arab countries', stressing that' the economy field more flexible than the policy of rapprochement between Iraq and the Arab world because it depends on the interest common to the countries concerned and that the political and legislative stability would be supportive of the Iraq economically. " Anton said he believed 'the possibility of fueling the Arab common market agreement that she and her grandfather Anton is currently closer to the realism of the threads of Arab unity because the economy is a priority in the search and it brings together participants from Aktherr gathered by policy between the Arab countries'. . Economic expert, Dr. Hussein Allawi explained that the 'master files to be considered by the Ministerial Meeting of the economic is the three headings The first is Arab water security and the threat this issue of importance to the future of agriculture and sustainable development in the Arab world as a whole, especially that water is the challenge of the future for the world as a whole and the nature of agreements concerning equitable sharing of water allocations and the mechanisms and solutions to overcome the scarcity of water and ways to adapt agriculture and consumption in the face of a potential water crisis'. . He added, 'the second file is the revitalization of Arab tourism, which form the backbone of a number of Arab countries in addition to take advantage of this file in the building industry more developed for tourism in the Arab world and the conclusion of agreements related to this work, including developing a performance and find participants for this work in various Arab countries'. He continued 'The third file, represented by the risks and disasters and limit which is set apart by Arab revolts and their impact on investment and economic action in the Arab countries and what can be in the future in addition to the mechanics of preparing for natural disasters and create the potential for emergency response and joint Arab action to address these risks.' The economic expert said Abdul Razzaq Sadiq Alabegi that the 'summit will be an important element in the withdrawal of Iraq from Chapter VII to afford the possibility of solving problems between the Arab countries'. . Alabegi explained that 'the visit of Prime Minister Nuri al-Maliki of Kuwait was a prelude to this solution to one of Iraq's debt', stressing that 'the summit in a safe environment will give Iraq pushed in Public security and the possibility of entry of international companies and get Iraq out of classification of country risk, which prevents the entry of companies in which the task '. He explained that the 'enter Iraq in the credit rating Bank needs to exit from Chapter VII, which will reduce the cost of work where as the cost of transportation and work in Iraq is expensive because of the countries classified as dangerous to do what is just investments it makes insurance companies take high amounts of insurance on projects and flight and ground transportation costs are borne by Iraq needs Altzlil '

I wouldn't worry about the 3 zero yet, if baghdad and kurk's don't come to an agreement the kurks will just form thier own state with thier own currency. I don't think baghdad will not spend all that money to make new currency with out the kurk's

Said Minister of Labour and Social Affairs, Nassar al-Rubaie during his meeting with a representative of the ministry with the Ministry of Trade advised to wait to join the World Trade Organization. He added that the abolition of tariffs and customs on products and foreign goods lead to flooding the labor market for these products and therefore, the Iraqi products can not compete with foreign products to cheap foreign product and quality. He noted that in the case of the development of the productive sectors of Iraq and the production of quality goods so that there is real competition with foreign products are therefore advised to wait and for a long time, stressing that we are suffering from high unemployment significantly to the inability of the industrial sectors to provide employment opportunities and thus exacerbate the unemployment significantly . the other hand held the Department of care for people with special needs under the Ministry of Labour and Social Affairs a meeting of directors of sheltered workshops and cooperative societies for the disabled. said Faris Sami Aziz, during his attendance at the meeting on the need to overcome some obstacles facing the association and the adoption of self-initiative to develop the work and praised the productivity of some associations, especially in the area carpentry and manufacture of furniture and bedrooms at competitive prices acceptable also stressed the importance of increasing production associations as reflected in the profits belonging to the disabled workers in the Assembly, and called on the managers of associations to build bridges of cooperation with citizens and civil society organizations in the provinces and improve production quality and quantity. The meeting dealt with the development of production plans and marketing Societies for the year 2012 and the mechanism of distribution of profits to workers and the application instructions and orders issued by the boards of directors of the cooperative societies and closer cooperation with the Ministries of Trade and Industry as well as the willingness to participate in the early exhibitions held by the productivity of the Ministry of Commerce.

Confirmed Accord Movement, headed by the Iraqi leader Iyad Allawi yesterday, the first Tuesday forwarded a written memorandum to the Arab leaders, informing them about the Iraqi crisis between the political forces and incite them explicitly not to come to Baghdad to attend the Arab Summit to be held in Baghdad at the end of this month ." Movement revealed that the letter also included a reference to what it called the "Iranian threat"

Barzani is frustrated since he's not invited to the arab summit so he wants things done now

On Eve of the Kurdish New Year, President Barzani Delivers Key Address Salahaddin, Kurdistan Region of Iraq (KRP.org) – In his annual message on the occasion of Newroz, the Kurdish New Year, President Barzani said that power-sharing in Iraq and commitment to the Iraqi Constitution are under threat and that the Kurds will decide their own course of action if these two principles are abandoned. “Iraq is facing a serious crisis. We have tried our utmost to prevent Iraq from descending into a sectarian conflict and we have consistently avoided taking sides in this conflict. The Kurds have played a pivotal role in bringing about the new Iraq, particularly two years ago when our initiative resulted in the formation of the current government. Had it not been for our role, one can only guess what an unknown fate would have beset Iraq. It is very unfortunate that a small number of people in Baghdad have imposed themselves and monopolized power,” said the President. He said there are a number of main disputes with the Baghdad government. “Power-sharing and partnership between Kurds, Sunni and Shiite Arabs, and others is now completely non-existent and has become meaningless. The Iraqi Constitution is constantly violated and the Erbil agreement, which was the basis upon which the current government was formed, has been completely ignored. As soon as they came to power, they disregarded the Constitution, the previous agreements that we had, and the principle of power-sharing.” On disputes between Erbil and Baghdad, the President said: “The resolution of the status of Kirkuk and other disputed areas has constantly been evaded. We have shown utmost flexibility and patience and here I want to thank our people for their patience. We have opted for a resolution based on legal and constitutional means but others have reneged on their pledges. It is impossible for us to abandon this issue because for us it is extremely significant and more than being a mere matter of principle.” He said the other main issue is allocation of funds for the Kurdistan Region Peshmerga forces which the Iraqi government has consistently refused to address, saying, “for the last five or six years funding for Peshmerga forces has been embezzled.” On the dispute regarding oil and gas exploration and management, the President defended the legality of the oil and gas contracts that the KRG has signed. “None of the KRG contracts with foreign oil companies is unconstitutional. The main reason behind this dispute with Baghdad is not a question of legality of the contracts; rather it is that they don’t want to see the KRG make progress and stride forward. “ On monopolization of power in Baghdad, the President stated that power is being concentrated in the hands of a few people and others in the political process are being marginalized, including Shiites. “There is an attempt to establish a one-million strong army whose loyalty is only to a single person. Where in the world can the same person be the prime minister, the chief of staff of the armed forces, the minister of defense, the minister of interior, the chief of intelligence and the head of the national security council. “ The President dismissed statements that the Kurdish-Shiite alliance is close to collapse, saying, “We are committed to our alliance with the Shiites but not with this group of people who have monopolized power and with their policies have even marginalized other Shiites. The Kurds and the followers of Ammar Al-Hakim and Muqtada Al-Sadr have always shown solidarity with each other.” “It is time to say enough is enough. The current status of affairs in unacceptable to us and I call on all Iraqi political leaders to urgently try and find a solution otherwise we will return to our people and will decide on whatever course of action that our people deem appropriate.” here is more on the speech Iraq PM 'monopolising power:' Kurdish leader By Prashant Rao (AFP) – 11 hours ago BAGHDAD — Kurd leader Massud Barzani hinted on Tuesday at a possible break with Iraq's unity government, complaining that premier Nuri al-Maliki was monopolising power and building an army loyal only to him. His remarks raised the rhetoric between his autonomous regional government in Arbil and the central government in Baghdad, with several key disputes festering between the two sides. Barzani said the partnership that built a national unity government formed at a meeting he had hosted was now "completely non-existent and has become meaningless." "There is an attempt to establish a one-million-strong army whose loyalty is only to a single person," Barzani, president of Kurdistan, said in a speech in Arbil, according to an English transcript. He claimed that Maliki and the government were "waiting to get F-16 combat planes to examine its chances again with the peshmerga (Kurdish militia)," referring to a government order for 36 warplanes from the United States. "Where in the world can the same person be the prime minister, the chief of staff of the armed forces, the minister of defence, the minister of interior, the chief of intelligence and the head of the national security council?" he asked. Barzani said that while he was committed to an alliance with Iraq's majority Shiites, he was not committed to one with Maliki. The premier has yet to appoint permanent ministers of defence and interior, more than two years after parliamentary elections. Kurdish MPs hold nearly a fifth of the seats in parliament, and Barzani's Kurdish Alliance bloc has five cabinet posts in the national unity government formed in November 2010. Barzani continued: "We are committed to our alliance with the Shiites but not with this group of people who have monopolised power and with their policies have even marginalised other Shiites." "It is time to say enough is enough. The current status of affairs in unacceptable to us and I call on all Iraqi political leaders to urgently try to find a solution. Otherwise, we will return to our people and will decide on whatever course of action that our people deem appropriate." The central government and Kurdish regional authorities have been locked in protracted disputes over oil contracts with foreign oil firms and the status of a swathe of disputed territory around the northern oil hub of Kirkuk. The Kurdistan region has signed around 40 contracts with international companies on a production-sharing basis without seeking the express approval of the central government's oil ministry. The national oil ministry, meanwhile, has awarded energy contracts to international companies on the basis of a per-barrel service fee. It has also refused to sign deals with any firm that has agreed a contract with Kurdistan. Arbil also wants Kirkuk and the disputed tract of land to be incorporated into its autonomous three-province region, but officials in Baghdad have steadfastly rejected those demands. That dispute is regarded by diplomats as one of the greatest threats to Iraq's long-term stability

ARBIL, Iraq — Iraqi Kurdistan claimed on Thursday that the central government has not handed over months of promised oil income while the region's leader said officials in Baghdad were vindictive "failures". The charges were the latest in a long-running dispute over energy contracts and revenues between authorities in Baghdad and in the autonomous Kurdish region. Kurdish leaders and the central government have squabbled over payments, revenue sharing and Baghdad's refusal to recognise the dozens of oil contracts Arbil has signed with international energy firms. On Thursday, the Kurdish regional government posted a statement on its website insisting it could increase its production to 175,000 barrels per day (bpd), but Baghdad "owes the KRG (Kurdistan Regional Government) more than $1 billion for revenues accrued in 2011." "Furthermore, not a single dollar has been received for exports in 2012." The statement accused the federal authorities of "failing to meet their obligations and honour their payment commitments to the KRG." It said the region could produce up to 250,000 bpd, "but only if the federal government honours its payment agreements. Otherwise, even the 90,000-100,000 barrels per day currently being exported will decline and eventually cease." Kurdistan confirmed in May 2011 that Iraq had paid oil contractors in the autonomous region as part of an "interim agreement on revenue allocation". Thursday's statement said federal oil ministry claims of output of 65,000 bpd indicated a discrepancy that required an investigation "in case somebody is creaming off the difference between the oil received and the oil sold." Kurdistan regional president Massud Barzani sharply criticised central government officials who disputed the validity of Kurdish contracts with foreign firms. "The officials in the central government who refuse to admit these contracts are failures who could not give to Iraq what we give to our people in Kurdistan," Barzani said in a speech in regional capital Arbil. "They want us to be like them." He continued: "The problem is not whether these contracts violate the constitution or not, but that they (central government officials) do not want the region to develop." Barzani did not explicitly name any of the officials he was referring to. The Kurdistan region has signed around 40 contracts with international companies on a production-sharing basis without seeking the express approval of the central government's oil ministry. The federal oil ministry, meanwhile, has awarded energy contracts to international companies on the basis of a per-barrel service fee. It has also refused to sign deals with any firm that has agreed a contract with Kurdistan. That refusal was put in the spotlight in October, when Kurdistan inked a deal with ExxonMobil to explore six areas of the region. The US firm had previously signed a contract with Baghdad to ramp up production at the West Qurna-1 field, Iraq's second-biggest. Iraq has said the oil giant must choose between the two contracts. Baghdad has also yet to approve an oil and gas law that would regulate the sector, with proposals languishing for several years.

BAGHDAD (AP) — Iraq reached a $500 million deal Wednesday with Kuwait to settle a Saddam-era legal dispute that has for years snarled business for Iraq's national airline, officials said. The agreement ends one of the most bitter diplomatic issues between Iraq and Kuwait since Saddam Hussein's invasion in 1990. In a telephone interview from Kuwait City, Iraqi Foreign Minister Hoshyar Zebari said the two nations agreed to eliminate $1.2 billion in legal sanctions against the state-owned Iraqi Airways. In return, Zebari said, Iraq will pay $300 million in reparations and another $200 million to set up a joint airline operated by both counties. Neither Zebari nor Iraqi government spokesman Ali al-Dabbagh would explain what made Kuwait give up the bigger payment. Al-Dabbagh attributed it to a new era of diplomacy between the two counties that had strained relations for a generation. Kuwait's state-run official news agency confirmed the deal "to cancel all lawsuits and verdicts against the Iraqi Airways." It offered no details in reports Wednesday about an Iraqi delegation's visit to Kuwait, led by Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki. "This visit is successful," Zebari told The Associated Press. "We will sign the Iraqi Airways agreement today to close this issue, finally." The long-standing dispute centered on Kuwait's accusations that Saddam's regime stole 10 airplanes and millions of dollars in equipment and spare parts from its fleet during the 1990 invasion. Kuwait sought $1.2 billion in reparations, but Iraq's post-Saddam leaders resisted paying it, leading to lawsuits and threats to eliminate flights. At least one planned Iraqi Airways route, between Baghdad and London, was grounded on its maiden flight when Kuwait attempted to confiscate the plane. Both Iraqi Airways and its neighbor's national carrier, Kuwait Airways, have struggled financially in recent years — a sharp contrast to the rapid growth of newer Mideast/Gulf-based airlines such as Dubai's Emirates, Qatar Airways and Abu Dhabi's Etihad Airways. In August, Kuwait Airways launched a search for a buyer for a 35 percent slice of the state-owned airline as it looked to push forward a long-awaited turnaround plan. The privatization effort appears to have stalled. The head of a privatization committee said in October that "a number of operational and structural issues" needed to be addressed before going back to the market. Kuwait Airways operates a fleet of 17 jetliners that fly mainly to Europe, the Middle East and Asia. In fiscal 2010, the carrier brought in $771 million in revenue but posted a loss of $556 million, according to a government presentation for potential investors last year. Another Kuwaiti carrier, Wataniya Airways, abruptly stopped flying a year ago, citing financial troubles and unrest in the region. Zebari said Kuwaiti and Iraqi officials are still working toward agreements in other areas where the two nations have disputes, including borders, joint oil fields and rival ports on the Persian Gulf. Also Wednesday, al-Dabbagh said Kuwait's emir said they will attend the Arab League summit meeting in Baghdad at the end of this month. The visit by Sheik Sabah Al Ahmad Al Sabah will be the first by a Kuwaiti ruler since Saddam's invasion of the oil-rich Gulf state. The League summit originally was scheduled for the Iraqi capital last year, but political unrest across the Mideast, combined with concerns about Iraq's security, delayed it. It is set now for March 27-29.

March 6, 2012 BAGHDAD, — Iraq has set a deadline of the next few days for Exxon Mobil to explain its position on oil agreements signed with the autonomous Kurdish region, which the central government considers illegal, a government spokesman said on Tuesday. The Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) announced in November the signing of a deal for six exploration blocs with Exxon, the first major oil company to deal directly with the Kurds in northern Iraq. Iraq's central government has said that deal could jeopardise Exxon's contract to develop the supergiant West Qurna-1 oil field in southern Iraq. Officials say they are waiting for the U.S. firm to reply. "Exxon came to Baghdad last month and asked for more time to return with a reply on Kurdish deals and the government decided to give them a final deadline," said Faisal Abdullah, a spokesman for Deputy Prime Minister for Energy Hussain al-Shahristani. "The government is waiting for Exxon's answers to decide its final position towards the company and its deals with Kurdistan. The deadline expires in the coming few days," Abdullah said. Exxon Mobil late last month disclosed its plans to explore for oil in Iraq's Kurdistan in the company's annual report, breaking months of silence over the investment that has outraged Baghdad. The KRG said the production-sharing contract with Exxon was signed on Oct. 18, 2011. The Iraqi government wants Exxon to make it clear whether it will proceed with the Kurdish deals or freeze or cancel them. Exxon's move into Kurdistan has drawn attention to tensions between Baghdad's Arab-dominated central government over who has the authority to develop oilfields in the Kurdish zone. The central government gives the Kurdish authorities 17 percent of federal oil revenue and insists on a monopoly on exports. Shahristani, architect of recent Iraqi oil deals and a strong opponent of Kurdish energy autonomy, said last month Exxon could be blocked from participating in a bidding round for exploration deals in May because of its Kurdish deal. Iraq's oil and gas field have suffered from decades of neglect because of war and economic sanctions. In the past three years it has done a raft of deals with foreign oil firms,www.ekurd.net and more deals are on offer that would make it the world's biggest source of new oil production over the next several years. However, Baghdad has offered fee-for-service contracts rather than the production-sharing agreements which foreign firms consider more lucrative. The Kurdish region has offered production-sharing deals to firms willing to do business directly with it, but before Exxon's deal last year, only smaller firms had agreed to participate.