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  1. Remember, no one really knows what will happen, or when. They're simply stating their opinions based on what they perceive to be happening in Iraq... RON *** Mtn Goat *** We are now in an unprecedented period of excitement for the IQD reinstatement to happen. I am hearing nothing but good information from all the sources including the Central Bank of Iraq, the IMF and the U.S. Treasury. The initial rate on the new Quantum Financial System (QFS) is way up there to $6+. However...I can not clearly see that it would or even could come out that high. It will probably come out at about $4+. But please remember that the project to delete the zeros must happen just before or just after the reinstatement. As outrageous as these numbers appear I hope and pray she is really as well connected and informed as she states, and that her information is correct. Personally I'm extremely skeptical, but in the early days of this investment (even up to 2010) many thought that $3+ was possible, and even likely - while many thought .10 cents was more likely. QFS wasn't even known at that time, and we still don't know enough about it to really understand the implications of the Quantum system. So, as I have often said, we WAIT and see what will actually happen..! Everything is just conjecture..... RON
    12 points
  2. Foreign currency reserves moving in the right direction ⬆️🆙 - The foremost advantage of foreign currency reserves. It serves in meeting the international finance obligations including sovereign and commercial debts, financing of imports. - It helps in boosting the confidence of the market in the ability of a country to meet its external obligations. - It acts as cushion for unforeseen external shocks. - It Increases confidence of foreign investors and thus helps in boosting foreign direct investment (FDI). -It is use to adjust foreign exchange rate. The foreign currency reserves are invested mainly in instruments abroad which have the highest credit rating and which do not pose any credit risk. These include sovereign bonds, treasury bills and short-term deposits in top-rated global banks besides cash accounts. Go CBI Go international Go stronger dinar
    12 points
  3. 10 points
  4. Here is Mtn Goat's post from 2 days ago (the 25th) saying the same thing. As has been mentioned before, she does have strong ties to the financial sector, as well as UST and the IMF; so who knows what she is privvy to... Above she reinforces her previous comments posted below. *** Mtn Goat I am getting information both from Iraq and from the US Treasury indicating that the formation of the new government is close at hand and will be announced soon. The rate of the dinar in the system is now over $6 however I am having a difficult time grasping my arms around this rate. I can not believe they would actually start at this rate. It...will probably come out at around $3+ or maybe low $4. But this is just my observance of studying this situation for over 17 years now.
    10 points
  5. Sounds very interesting, but my happiness will be when Adam Montana sends me my notice that the RV or what ever tajes place and these are the places to go and cash in. I will believe in the price when Adam sends me that message. We all wish for the best amount that we can get that is for sure. Good old saying is don't count your chic's before they hatch. So, Yabba Dabba Do..!! GO RV GO!!!!
    8 points
  6. TERMS for Weekly MegaMillion & Powerball Entries Pool(s) is (are) open to identifiable/registered DV MEMBERS ONLY (Sorry, no extended family or friends... or Lopsters, as they are not allowed in the regular forums, and therefore cannot comply with the rules). One SET of numbers per ENTRANT per POST per FAMILY (Multiple members in a family may participate under ONE ENTRANT ONLY). (Please select CASH OPTION when purchasing numbers/ticket). Annuity tickets will not be disqualified and will be factored accordingly if determined a winner, but our preferred intent is for the lump sum payout. A DV Member may purchase and post up to ONE ticket for ANOTHER DV Member (except Lopsters), with that member's acknowledgement and consent. ONE SHARE per entrant of any winnings of the JACKPOT (CASH OPTION!!!) only (Approx. $100 million minimum drawing) Winning ticket/entrant agrees to share EQUALLY with ALL qualified entrants in this thread. Qualified entrants must have numbers/entry posted prior to drawing date/time. Qualified entrants must have a physical ticket to present upon winning, to prove their pledged participation. HOLD onto your "LOSING" ticket. Take a picture of your "LOSING" ticket as a possible backup verification. Winning entrant is responsible for ALL communication with, and coordination of, winning shareholders immediately after the drawing. ALL winning participants/shareholders agree to respect and abide to the PRIVACY terms of the WINNER. Disclosure of identity of winning entrant is sole discretion of winner. This is for the security and safety of all. Winning shares will be dispersed upon final consensus and WRITTEN AGREEMENT, guaranteeing individual preferences, privacy and security. By posting your pledged ticket/numbers in the thread(s), YOU AGREE TO THE TERMS POSTED ABOVE. The following has been added to the rules as of 9/17/2016 to clarify a question about participation: NEW RULE! Ticket/numbers entered into THIS DV POOL are for this pool exclusively. It may not be entered into other pools. Its entry into the DV POOL is time-stamped as verified by the post, and acknowledged by the entrant that it is exclusive to DV. Should it be found that the WINNING TICKET is entered into multiple pools, WE will claim that ticket as the WINNER for the DV POOL EXCLUSIVELY, irrespective of the time-stamp of other pools. Should another pool have a similar rule, or no rule to this regard, the time-stamp may be an effective qualifier if necessary to determine the participant's intent, as well as order of participation. $100 Minimum is waived for both games
    7 points
  7. No country can control the rate of another. Just saying, pp
    7 points
  8. 196. Oil & Gas Law of the Kurdistan Region—Iraq art. 6-61, 2007, available at http://www.perleman.org/files/articles/070708090735.pdf [hereinafter Oil and Gas Law of the Kurdistan Region]. south
    7 points
  9. Indeed...my health issues are purely mental-after 19 years following these mutant screw heads and never ending shenanigans, I have psychotic episodes daily 🤣
    7 points
  10. 2022/05/26 15:05 The arrival of dollar reserves to 90 billion, ringing the bells of the exchange rate (almasalah-com.translate.goog) The arrival of dollar reserves to 90 billion, ringing the bells of the exchange rate Baghdad / Obelisk: Calls are rising among the popular and political circles, to reduce the exchange rate of the dollar against the dinar, after the foreign currency reserves in Iraq witnessed a jump during 2022, thanks to the rise in global oil prices. Finance Minister Ali Allawi said that the country's cash reserves are expected to rise to more than $90 billion by the end of 2022, noting that this level is a record for Iraq. He added that the recovery in oil prices and prudent financial management helped the reserves to become 70 billion dollars by April. After Allawi's statement, Representative Mahmoud Hussein al-Qaisi said that merchants are taking advantage of keeping the exchange rate high despite the recovery of foreign currency reserves in Iraq, to raise the value of goods by several times their real price. Al-Qaisi's tweet represented an explicit call to reduce the exchange rate, after its rise revived the dollar's reserves in the country. Writer Yassin Al-Yasiri believes that it is time for the exchange rate to return to what it was in the past, after its rise achieved many positives for the state treasury, and negatives represented by the crises that afflicted the citizens. Financial market experts stressed that reaching the central bank's reserves at the threshold of $70 billion would strengthen the structure of the local economy and its global standing. But the challenge of ill-considered and unproductive spending remains Iraq's biggest economic challenge, and the step of raising the value of the Iraqi dinar, if achieved, will make the dinar a competitive currency that helps lower the prices of commodities and foodstuffs in the markets. According to the experts. And the Iraqi cash reserve recorded during the second half of last year more than 60 billion dollars, after it was 51.9 billion before the start of the reform measures of this government. At a time when official data indicate that Iraq's cash reserves are close to 90 billion dollars, the external debt rates amounted to about 20 billion dollars, which are very good rates compared to its share of Iraq's gross domestic product of 180 billion dollars, representing only 11%. Comparing the hard currency reserves in Iraq with the external debt, means that the rise in reserves will enable Iraq to pay what it owes to the creditor countries, in addition to solving the financial crises inside the country. At the present time, the Iraqis are hoping to return the exchange rate to what it was before to return the markets to normal after the crisis that resulted from the depreciation of the Iraqi dinar against the dollar.
    6 points
  11. It seems to me that a countrywide HCL would solve the problem. If the central government wants all of the Kurdistan regions money, without an HCL in place, then how is this helping any of the Iraqi people? Does this possibly place the regions profits in the hands of criminal politicians? To line their pockets? At least the Kurdistan region shares their oil wealth with their region, because they have an oil and gas law for their region. The constitution says that the oil belongs to all of the people. The Kurds drill for oil in their area and do what they want with it. It wouldn't still be like this if the central government had already approved and enacted their HCL. Even Barzani commented on this. This federal suit is not really the way to handle the problem. The countrywide HCL really is. This is just my opinion from reading the articles. I'm no expert on the matter.
    6 points
  12. Remember, no one really knows what will happen, or when. They're simply stating their opinions based on what they perceive to be happening in Iraq... RON *** Pimpy Article: "The Iraqi currency reserves are expected to exceed $90 billion by the end of the year" They are quickly getting up there as far as their reserves are concerned...the more they have in reserves the more they have to support the economy as well as the Iraqi dinar which is what you want...we were all happy when they reached 70 billion now they're projected to be at 90 by the end of the year. This is awesome. This is great news. *** Godlover I am still hopeful they do not pass the FSL, if they do pass the FSL, I expect the government formation to drag on for some time unfortunately...
    5 points
  13. 2022/05/27 10:20 Baghdad begins implementing the Federal Court's decision and ending the regional government's control of oil and gas (almasalah-com.translate.goog) Baghdad begins implementing the Federal Court's decision and ending the regional government's control of oil and gas Baghdad / Obelisk: The Ministry of Oil begins the first step to implement the Federal Court's decision regarding the region's oil and gas law, as the ministry asked companies operating in Kurdistan to sign new contracts with the state-owned Marketing Company (SOMO), in a new attempt to control oil revenues. Oil Minister Ihsan Abdul-Jabbar says the Oil Ministry will start implementing the Federal Court ruling issued in February, which deemed the legal foundations of the oil and gas sector in the Kurdistan region unconstitutional after talks with the regional government failed. The Iraqi Ministry of Oil has appointed international law firm Cleary Gottlieb Steen & Hamilton to reach out to oil and gas companies operating in the Kurdistan region to begin discussions to bring their operations into compliance with applicable Iraqi law. Implementation of the court ruling will require changes to the companies' contract systems. According to the National Oil Company, the region’s conclusion of oil contracts and agreements with international companies and countries to export the extracted oil and gas violates the provisions of the constitution, since the jurisdiction of the federal government is to formulate oil and gas development policy and manage the activity related to them and its competence in foreign trade. The production-sharing contracts for the region’s fields gave the contractor a share of the extracted oil in addition to the freedom to dispose of his share of the produced quantities and sell them at the place and time specified by the contractor, and this violates Article 111 of the Constitution, which clarifies that oil and gas is the property of the Iraqi people, according to the National Oil Company. The regional government, through production-sharing contracts, also signed a contractual commitment to exempt contractors from taxes and allowed them to inflate their profits without imposing any kind of taxes or sharing those inflated profits, especially when oil prices rose globally, and this violates the tax law of 1982 (amended) and its instructions. The writer, Faisal Idris, considered that the Iraqi government's demands to control the national oil revenues are legitimate. Oil expert Abbas Kazem says: They do not have the right to reject the Federal Court, which is the final reference in interpreting the constitution, which Iraqis, especially the Kurds, voted on by a large majority, and its decisions are final, binding on all and irrevocable, adding that concluding contracts without authorization and signing them by the regional government does not make These contracts are legal or constitutional. Journalist Jaafar Al-Barrak commented that the region's contracts entitle foreign companies to have full control over the petroleum operations. Academic Ali Al-Badri believes that the region's contracts were made when the oil barrel was 120 dollars, and when the oil fell to less than 50 dollars, the loss became for them, meaning the group got involved, and here is not the problem.
    5 points
  14. I hope the rate mentioned is close, however, I remember something about it NOT being allowed to be higher than the Kuwaiti Dinar. Just sayin!
    5 points
  15. Remember, no one really knows what will happen, or when. They're simply stating their opinions based on what they perceive to be happening in Iraq... RON ** Sandy Ingram Exciting news..Article: "Iraq Revenues to Exceed $150 Billion" *** Frank26 [Iraq boots-on-the-ground TV report] FIREFLY: CBI governor was meeting with the IMF and World Bank and Finance Committee on the mission review for Iraq talking about financial reforms and he talked about exchange rate. FRANK26: It's getting hot in here! This IMO is the culmination of all these meetings. They now have an understanding of what their mission is to accomplish. *** MilitiaMan Article: "Parliamentary Finance Reveals A New Inquiry To The Federal Court Regarding The Food Security Law" We can see there is a seriousness with this emergency food law. The fact that the GOI and the Finance Committees are in talks now, is very important with respect to timing...The law contains a very large financial mechanism...So large they were not given it out, until now... The vote is slated for tomorrow....The street (vulnerable) is in expectation of their constitutional entitlements that are apart of the law... Looks like show time is in close proximity..imo *** Mark...in Iraq they are still talking back and forth about when they are going to read the Food Security Bill again. It is still expected this week.... My guess is the RV news will be very quiet until around Monday the 30th based on the holiday weekend... There is not a lot they need to say between now and then so believe it will be quiet. [This has to be the calm before the storm….] Exactly…I think that is where we are at right now.
    5 points
  16. I’ve heard of PTSD, and RVI just didn’t know that stood for “P”issed “T”hat I’m “S”till waiting on “D”inar to “R”e”V”alue
    5 points
  17. 4 points
  18. I'd love to see it hit 100.00...then off to the races!
    4 points
  19. MM 05/27/2022 25-29-31-35-41 MB 15 PB 05/28/2022 02-07-09-44-58 PB 13 Pray for Uvalde Texas please. Donate to Go Fund Me sites for the families if you are able. And as always....may the odds be in our favor!!
    4 points
  20. Agreed now look at this something has to give no way these crooked hedgefunds and crooked Kenny can keep holding at these prices for much longer in my opinion. Shares on loan now over 174 Million, max cost to borrow is 15%, average cost to borrow is over 13% and min cost to borrow is 4% which I bet no one is getting! Utilization is 100% and short interest is over 23% according to Ortex which we know is 100% BS!! Short interest is most likely closer to 40% IMO!!
    4 points
  21. MegaMillion #'s for 5/27 13 15 26 37 38 MB 15 PowerBall #'s for 5/28 TexasGranny 10 25 48 53 68 PB 15 Jetman 45 48 56 66 68 PB 17 babycakes61 06 08 18 53 55 PB 05
    4 points
  22. Mega millions 05/27/22 18 37 38 49 52 MB 22 Powerball 05/28/22 01 10 17 59 61 PB 11
    4 points
  23. The Central Bank of Iraq announces that foreign reserves have risen to $74 billion money and business Economy News - Baghdad On Thursday, the Central Bank of Iraq announced that foreign reserves had risen to $74 billion, noting that the financial situation in Iraq was "very excellent" compared to the countries of the region and neighboring countries. The Director General of the Investments Department at the bank, Mazen Sabah Ahmed, said that "foreign reserves, according to the latest report for the first quarter of 2022, amounted to 74 billion dollars, distributed geographically between 8 or 9 major countries, and vary in different forms and assets between deposits, government bonds, gold and current balances." He pointed out that "this relatively high level of foreign reserves puts Iraq in a comfortable position in terms of the level of adequacy of foreign reserves in comparison with the size of the economy and the volume of annual imports, as well as in comparison with the size of obligations related to foreign debt in the short term." Ahmed went on to say, "I am sending a message of reassurance about the level of foreign reserves in Iraq, especially after the increase in oil prices and the fading of the repercussions of the Corona virus on the global economy." He added, "The financial situation now is very excellent compared to the countries of the region and neighboring countries, and this opportunity must be exploited towards achieving the optimal investment for this financial position and the high creditworthiness of Iraq, driven by the rise in oil prices, and it must also be strengthened by some government measures that enhance the capacity of the Iraqi economy." He continued, "The fact that the increase in oil revenues that was achieved after the increase in oil prices is the ownership of the government or the Ministry of Finance and not the ownership of the central bank, and therefore there is no action that falls on the central bank as a result of these increases, and therefore the required action is from the government and the Ministry of Finance towards optimal investment." for these increased returns. 516 . views Added 05/26/2022 - 5:42 PM Update 05/27/2022 - 3:36 PM
    4 points
  24. Yota MM 5/27 18-43-47-64-67 MB 07 PB 5/28 21-29-46-48-63 PB 21 Me MM 5/27 13-23-31-45-58 MB 10 PB 5/28 20-23-26-28-66 PB 21 Ours PB 5/28 11-26-42-52-56 PB 09
    4 points
  25. MM 27 May 22 04 07 11 20 52 MB 06 PB 28 May 22 05 08 14 23 53 PB 06
    4 points
  26. Mega million numbers 03/06/41/52/63---06 pokerplayer 27/28/32/34/49---08 jeepguy
    4 points
  27. 5/27 MM 11 23 28 58 62 mb15 5/28 PB 03 27 40 41 61 pb26
    4 points
  28. MM 07 28 49 54 69 MB 24 - 05-27-22 PB 31 38 42 46 64 PB 10 - 05-28-22 Back to Back "Jackpots" - Make it happen! Thank you Jesus!
    4 points
  29. The Kurdish Regional Constitution within the Framework of the Iraqi Federal Constitution: A Struggle for Sovereignty, Oil, Ethnic Identity, and the Prospects for a Reverse Supremacy Clause Michael J. Kelly* Table of Contents INTRODUCTION.................................................................................. 708 I. THE KURDS: A STATELESS PEOPLE......................................... 710 A. Iraqi Kurdistan ................................................................ 719 B. Stability from Political Equilibrium.................................. 720 II. KURDISH AUTONOMY UNDER THE IRAQI FEDERAL CONSTITUTION........................................................................ 726 III. THE KURDISH REGIONAL CONSTITUTION ................................ 732 A. Broad Outlines & Critiques.............................................. 733 B. The Question of Kirkuk .................................................... 744 C. Oil Resources................................................................... 748 D. A Reverse Supremacy Opportunity on the Question of Oil ................................................................................... 754 IV. COMPARATIVE APPROACHES TO ETHNIC AUTONOMY IN FEDERATIONS ......................................................................... 760 A. Basques and Catalans within Spain.................................. 761 B. Quebecois and Inuit within Canada.................................. 764 C. Ethnic Minorities within Russia........................................ 767 CONCLUSION ..................................................................................... 769 APPENDIX.......................................................................................... 771 C. Oil Resources A second major area of contention between the dueling federal and regional constitutions concerns oil. A viable region within a federal structure should have an economic base, and that base in Iraqi Kurdistan is a mix of agriculture and oil. Agriculture, not surprisingly, is the least contentious of these. Thus, a large amount of time and effort was spent by the constitutional drafting committee on the question of regional control over oil exploration and production. Figure-3 depicts oil infrastructure in the Kurdish areas of northern Iraq.The operations at Taq-Taq and Tawke are run under PSAs whereby private companies get 10-20% of the profit. The rest goes to the federal government in Baghdad before being distributed across the rest of Iraq. But Iraq‘s oil ministry and its trade unions dislike PSAs. A long row between the Kurds and the authorities in Baghdad over rules for the north has yet to be resolved. Baghdad wants to approve all oil deals. The Kurds say the federal constitution lets them run— and profit from—their own oil industry, though they accept that revenue should somehow be shared. The Kurds‘ parliament passed a hydrocarbons law in 2007. But a new national oil law has been stalled in the federal parliament in Baghdad for at least three years. The Kurds say they have shown up the decrepitude of Iraq‘s oil establishment. Despite billions of dollars of investment since 2003, production is still just over 2m b/d, about what it was when Saddam Hussein was toppled. The federal oil minister, Hussein alShahristani, loathes the Kurds‘ success and has tried to stop them running their own oil industry, declaring all deals (now at least 20) signed by them to be illegal. He has also threatened to blacklist any oil company that does business up north from applying for licences [sic] down THE KURDISH REGIONAL CONSTITUTION 749 The operations at Taq-Taq and Tawke are run under PSAs whereby private companies get 10-20% of the profit. The rest goes to the federal government in Baghdad before being distributed across the rest of Iraq. But Iraq‘s oil ministry and its trade unions dislike PSAs. A long row between the Kurds and the authorities in Baghdad over rules for the north has yet to be resolved. Baghdad wants to approve all oil deals. The Kurds say the federal constitution lets them run— and profit from—their own oil industry, though they accept that revenue should somehow be shared. The Kurds‘ parliament passed a hydrocarbons law in 2007. But a new national oil law has been stalled in the federal parliament in Baghdad for at least three years. The Kurds say they have shown up the decrepitude of Iraq‘s oil establishment. Despite billions of dollars of investment since 2003, production is still just over 2m b/d, about what it was when Saddam Hussein was toppled. The federal oil minister, Hussein al Shahristani, loathes the Kurds‘ success and has tried to stop them running their own oil industry, declaring all deals (now at least 20) signed by them to be illegal. He has also threatened to blacklist any oil company that does business up north from applying for licences [sic] down south. 175 Figure 3: Oil Infrastructure In and Around Kirkuk (Source: CIA, 2003) produce 450,000 b/d by 2011 and 1m b/d by the end of 2012. That would represent 42% of Iraq‘s production, if output from the rest of the country stays the same There is no set pattern for Kurdistan to follow, in a federalism context, for a consistent balance of authority between regions and the central government over oil exploration and production. Some federations reserve this power to the central government exclusively, while others allow a degree of control to the regions over some or most aspects of the oil sector. For example, in the United States, 176 Canada, 177 Australia, 178 power is shared between state/provincial governments and the federal government in the oil sector. In the U.S., oil and gas exploration and production are governed by either public or private leases (oil and gas can be private property in the U.S.) and the public lessee can be either the state or federal government, depending upon whether the area of development in question is owned by the state or federal government. 179 The situation is somewhat analogous in Canada, but only in the sense of shared power. The provinces exercise much more direct control over their natural resources—which results in a lack of uniformity across the country. ―Canada‘s federal government and provincial governments share jurisdiction over energy policy and, accordingly, there is no single energy policy in place.‖ 180 The divergence in power allocation in Canada is mainly attached to onshore versus offshore resources.181 Onshore, ―the provinces have clear constitutional authority with respect to oil and gas activities . . . within their province.‖ 182 But offshore, ―the right to explore and exploit mineral resources in the seabed . . . has been held by explore and exploit mineral resources in the seabed . . . has been held by the Supreme Court of Canada to stem from the sovereign rights of the coastal state‖—which is Canada. 183 It was our impression that increased control over the energy sector within the region is clearly the path that the Kurdish Regional Government wishes to follow if it can. Thus, the Canadian constitutional format could prove instructive for Kurdistan as it seeks to balance its constitutional relationship with the federal government on the question of controlling the oil sector. As the Kurdish region is a landlocked unit, Canadian offshore federal supremacy would not be analogous—only the onshore provincial control. In Canada, The division of powers between federal and provincial governments is set out in the Constitution Act of 1867. Generally, the federal government has jurisdiction over matters of national and international importance, whereas the provinces have jurisdiction over matters of a local or private nature. . . . The federal government has authority to make laws for ‗peace, order and good government‘ in relation to all matters not exclusively assigned to the provinces and including the regulation of trade and commerce. The provinces have authority over property and civil rights and in respect of exploration for, and conservation and management of, non-renewable natural resources in the province. Balancing the federal government‘s authority over trade and commerce with the provinces‘ specific powers presents a challenge in determining which level of government is responsible for regulating a particular matter. Jurisdiction will typically be determined based upon the location, nature and scope of the matter and certain other factors. Canadian courts have traditionally interpreted the federal power over trade and commerce to be limited to inter-provincial and international trade and commerce and to general trade and commerce, which has been narrowly interpreted and historically applied most significantly to intra-provincial aspects of business competition. Accordingly, the two levels of government exercise constitutional powers in respect of different aspects of energy development, transportation, marketing and use. Generally the provinces regulate local matters regarding oil and gas exploration and production and energy transportation and marketing within its provincial boundaries. With respect to energy transportation and marketing, the movement of goods inter-provincially is regulated by the federal government Likewise, pipelines which cross provincial or international boundaries are under federal jurisdiction.184 Moreover, each province within the Canadian federation can adopt its own unique approach to the regulation and production of oil over which it enjoys jurisdiction.185 Alberta is an example of one model. [I]n Alberta, the ERCB [Energy Resources and Conservation Board] requires that participants seeking to license for and engage in oil exploration, development and production activities obtain a business associate code. A corporation applying for a . . . code must be resident in Alberta, which means that it must have an office and staff located in Alberta.186 But in some federations, the central government enjoys a constitutionally mandated monopoly in the oil sector, most often exercising this control via a corporate entity, as is the case in Brazil,187 Mexico,188 and Nigeria.189 This arrangement can be made at the state‘s creation or constitution‘s adoption, or it can come about over time. Malaysia is a good example of the latter. A federation of thirteen states and three federal territories created in 1963 by a union of the Malay states and former British Crown colonies of Sabah, Sarawak, and Singapore (Singapore left the union in 1965), Malaysia initially THE KURDISH REGIONAL CONSTITUTION 753 established in its first constitution that onshore oil would be controlled by the states, not the central government.190 The Federal Constitution defines the distribution of legislative powers and responsibilities between the federal and state governments. It stipulates that all mineral resources, including oil, within or upon any land in a state are owned by the state and the state government is allowed to collect revenue from such mineral resources. Exploration and production of oil were made pursuant to oil prospecting licenses and oil mining leases pursuant to the Mining Enactments of the States in Peninsular Malaysia; the Mining Ordinance of Sabah; and the Oil Mining Ordinance of Sarawak. Pursuant to these oil prospecting licenses and oil mining leases, oil companies were granted the exclusive right over all crude oil won and saved in mining areas in return for payment of rent and royalty to the state government. 191 And in 1966, this regime was further bolstered with the Petroleum Mining Act, which provided that ―companies wanting to explore or extract oil onshore in any state must apply to the state government for an exploration license or enter into a petroleum agreement with the state government.‖ 192 But after the 1973 world oil crisis, Malaysia‘s central government acted to consolidate its control over the oil sector and the states were stripped of their power. The government incorporated a new national oil company, PETRONAS. Under the Petroleum Development Act of 1974, ―the entire ownership in and exclusive rights, powers, liberties, privileges of exploring, winning and obtaining petroleum onshore and offshore Malaysia were vested in PETRONAS.‖ 193 Thus, at least in the onshore context, the Malaysian experience illustrates how a federation can move from one extreme to the other over time in power allocation between states and the central government. Although not a federation, Denmark has spun off the most authority over oil exploration and production to the other constituent units of the Danish Common Community: the Faroe Islands and Greenland. The Faroe Islands were granted self-rule from Copenhagen in 1948 and a subsequent 1992 agreement granted the Faroe Islands ―independent of Denmark, . . . the legislative authority and the administration of the area of exploration and production of hydrocarbons.‖ 194 Greenland was granted home rule in 1979 and, subsequently, under the 2009 Self-Rule Act, it was recognized that ―Greenland owns and has the right of disposal of all mineral resources, including oil and gas, in Greenland.‖ 195 Presently, the Kurds appear to be following the more typical Mexican model in their new oil and gas law, promulgated before the constitution, with a ministry and a nationalized company to oversee operations.196 This perhaps rests on the premise that they operate economically as a de facto state along the lines of Taiwan already. But the most fruitful model to follow for the Kurdish Regional Government might be the Canadian model, where provinces control their own natural resources, and each province within the federation may adopt their own exploration and development rules independent of the other provinces. The 2005 Iraqi federal constitution may allow the Kurds to do just that. D. A Reverse Supremacy Opportunity on the Question of Oil Figure 3 depicts the oil resources in and around the Kurdistan region. The oil fields close to Kirkuk and to the east include Demir Dagh, Taqtaq, Chamchamal, Kor Mor, and perhaps Chia Surkh. Who controls these oil fields is a constitutional question that depends upon the interplay between the Kurdish regional constitution and the Iraqi federal constitution. As noted earlier, the Iraqi constitution is supreme in designated areas, over which the federal government enjoys exclusive authority. Oil is not one of them. The Kurdish delegation was incredibly successful in pushing this item into an area of shared competency during negotiations on the Iraqi constitution. [T]he drafting history shows the relative success of the Kurds during the negotiation process. . . . By the end of the process . . . many of the exclusive authorities in the earlier drafts had been shifted to the section on joint competencies, and the federal government‘s authority to directly manage oil and gas had been cut back to apply expressly only to resources from ―present fields.‖ The result, therefore, favored the overall Kurdish interest in limiting the role of the federal government in Iraq and ensuring broad powers for the KRG.197 Article 112 is the operative portion of the Iraqi federal constitution that establishes some room for maneuver by the Kurdish regional government on the question of controlling oil resources within Kurdistan. It should be read in the context of Article 111, which places ownership of oil wealth in people of Iraq and the regions.198 Article 112: First: The federal government, with the producing governorates and regional governments, shall undertake the management of oil and gas extracted from present fields, provided that it distributes its revenues in a fair manner in proportion to the population distribution in all parts of the country, specifying an allotment for a specified period for the damaged regions which were unjustly deprived of them by the former regime, and the regions that were damaged afterwards in a way that ensures balanced development in different areas of the country, and this shall be regulated by a law. Second: The federal government, with the producing regional and governorate governments, shall together formulate the necessary strategic policies to develop the oil and gas wealth in a way that achieves the highest benefit to the Iraqi people using the most advanced techniques of the market principles and encouraging investment. 199 The definition of the term ―present‖ in section one of Article 112 is the fulcrum of the argument the Kurds will proffer to control the oil within Kurdistan. Because the federal government may expressly assert management over only the present oil fields, ―present‖ not being defined in the document, and no mention is made of ―future‖ oil fields, the savings clause of Article 115, reserving all other powers to the regions, would appear to open the door for Kurdish control of ―non-present‖ fields in Kurdistan. 200 This argument is bolstered on a plain reading of Article 121, which empowers regions to essentially override federal legislation that touches on areas outside the exclusive competency of the federal government ―Present‖ could simply mean known or currently producing. Of Iraq‘s eighty known oil and gas fields, only twenty have been developed.201 Two members of the U.S. delegation that negotiated the Iraqi constitution acknowledge that this ambiguity in Article 112 could feasibly cut either direction.202 However, they ultimately conclude that, based upon the legislative history of the negotiations as the Iraqi constitution was being drafted, an interpretation favoring greater regional control over truncated federal control of oil resources (based on the use of Article 115 and buttressed by Article 121) would be disingenuous: On one hand, Articles 115 and 121(second) could be read to permit regional or governorate laws to trump federal laws concerning oil and gas regulation in certain circumstances, because the constitution technically provides for concurrent jurisdiction over these natural resources. On the other hand, one might argue that the drafters, choosing to address oil and gas separately in Articles 111 and 112 rather than within Article 114 on concurrent authorities, did not intend regional or governorate law automatically to trump federal laws on oil and gas. The tenor of the oil and gas negotiations strongly argues for the second reading. The drafters battled over the oil and gas language for weeks, ultimately holding up negotiation of all other unresolved areas until treatment of natural resources was resolved. In contrast, an early version of Article 115 arrived in the document for the first time on August 21 with little or no debate preceding its inclusion in the document. It seems quite unlikely that the drafters, while undertaking painstaking efforts to agree that the federal government would manage oil and gas and distribute income ―with‖ the producing regional and governorate governments, would have intended to upend such carefully negotiated language through the insertion of a last minute provision giving regional and governorate governments primacy over federal regulation in areas of concurrent authority. In addition, the drafting history shows that negotiators considered addressing oil and gas within provisions on exclusive and concurrent authorities in earlier drafts, but, with the final compromise, decided to address oil and gas outside of the exclusive concurrent dichotomy Similarly, although Article 121(second) . . . was included in the draft Constitution somewhat earlier than Article 115, the singular focus on resolving the distribution of authority over oil and gas, in conjunction with the separate textual treatment of these provisions, suggests that the more reasonable reading is that the drafters did not intend Article 121(second) to override the careful compromise on oil and gas. [Moreover,] Article 115 . . . could be read to mean that the federal government maintains no authorities outside its area of exclusive competence. There are at least two textual arguments for rejecting this interpretation. First, Article 121(second) presumes that the federal government has the power to enact legislation outside the area of exclusive federal authority, by providing for regional law supremacy ―in case of a contradiction between regional and national legislation in respect to a matter outside the exclusive powers of the federal government.‖ Second, many sections of the constitution that address areas outside the scope of Article 110 on exclusive authorities contemplate that the federal legislature will enact laws to give substantive provisions greater definition and shape. Here, as above, the negotiating history may help resolve any lingering textual ambiguity. The late date on which the drafters introduced Article 115 is not by itself a reason to discount the meaning of the plain language. However, the timing and ambiguity of the provision, when juxtaposed against other provisions that clearly support the federal government‘s prescriptive legislative power outside its area of exclusive federal authority, support disregarding conflicting or unworkable readings of the language. Instead, Article 115 should be interpreted to achieve consistency with the rest of this Section and other provisions discussing the respective primacy of federal and regional law. 203 Conversely, a legal opinion offered by a Cambridge international law professor concludes that the KRG‘s authority trumps that of the federal government. 204 Our team was presented a copy of this opinion at the regional parliament by Chairman Abdulla in a private meeting after the constitutional drafting committee had departed. It appears to have been commissioned in 2007 through the London offices of Clifford Chance LLP by the Prime Minister of the Kurdish Regional Government, Nechirvan Barzani, specifically to rebut the above assessment. On the question of interpreting the term ―present‖ in Article 112, Dr. Crawford argues that this means ―[oil] fields already in production. This interpretation is indicated by the word ‗extracted‘ and by the reference to ‗producing‘ governates. The clear inference is that Article 112, first, covers oil and gas extracted from fields presently in production.‖ 205 Thus, all non-producing fields in Kurdistan would be ―managed by the relevant regional government alone.‖ 206 Moreover, the relevant date on which such fields would be deemed present or not present is, according to Dr. Crawford, the date on which the Iraqi constitution entered into force (2006). And, as of that date, there were no producing fields in the Kurdistan region. 207 Consequently, a plain reading of the text, divorced from the background of the negotiations, establishes that: On the footing that there is a dispute between the federal and regional authorities [over oil] (of which there can be no doubt), Article 115 provides that priority is to be given to the law of the region—subject only to the Constitution itself. As to non-producing and future fields, there is under Article 112, Second, no federal right to manage, although regional management has to respect strategic policies, which have still to be formulated by the federal government ―with‖ the KRG.208 Dr. Crawford also pronounced the twenty concession agreements already negotiated between the KRG and foreign oil prospectors as legally valid. 209 The KRG, in turn, relied heavily on this legal opinion in moving forward on those agreements and seeking to conclude others without the permission of the federal government. 210 To date, major oil companies such as Shell and British Petroleum have been reluctant to contract with the Kurdish authorities so as not to upset the federal government.211 Nevertheless, with dueling opinions over controlling oil wealth, this matter may yet end up before the federal Constitutional Court in Baghdad. The Kurdish gambit is nothing less than a constitutional ju jitsu move based upon a reverse supremacy clause argument. The Kurds have moved ahead with promulgating their own oil law, 212 and they fix the date of definition for current oil fields as those that were ―in Commercial Production prior to 15 August 2005‖ 213 and future oil fields as those not in production as of that date. 214 The Kurdish regional government will likely take a litigation path to cement its claims by first seeking an opinion from the Kurdish regional Constitutional Court—which will be formed once the regional constitution enters into force. The regional court of cassation will function as the constitutional court in the interim as the Constitutional Court is being established. It would be wise for the president to await the Constitutional Court‘s creation before bringing such a case. In any event, the Kurdish Constitutional Court is only empowered to interpret the Kurdish constitution, not the Iraqi constitution. Consequently, with this judicial decision in hand, the Kurds would next take their case to the federal Constitutional Court in Baghdad—banking on the impartiality of the court to directly interpret the terms of the Iraqi constitution with their plain meaning as courts in civil code systems typically do. If the federal Court decided to go into the negotiating history, then any outcome would be possible. With a favorable outcome before the Court in Baghdad, the federal prime minister would then be obligated to implement its decision or be accused of breaching the principles of the federal constitution—thereby triggering Article 8‘s opt-out provision in the Kurdish constitution. Kurdish secession is always ―a threat but not a fatal one, unless they could take Kirkuk and the oilfields with them . . . .‖ 215 This too could be threatened—by force, to which an unstable Iraqi military may not be able to respond. The Kurds well know that Turkey, Syria and Iran are anxious never to see an independent Kurdish state emerge on their borders, lest the Kurdish populations in their own respective border areas agitate to break away and join such a state. Thus, as cagey negotiators, the Iraqi Kurds may be relying on political pressure from Tehran, Ankara and Damascus to force Baghdad to concede quite a bit on the oilfields in the interests of keeping Iraq together and the Kurds within it. Along with U.S. financial pressure to cut a deal, the central government in Baghdad may have no choice but to sit down with the Kurds and bargain. Although the terms of the federal constitution provide for a joint development agreement, none has yet been reached. And without the flesh and muscle of such a politically negotiated settlement, all the parties are left with are the bare legal bones of the constitutional text. Consequently, while any legal outcome is possible (and is most interesting to game), a political solution will almost certainly carry the day on the oil issue.
    4 points
  30. Yep they can pass a ridiculous law like this overnight but they cant pass the HCL oil law and other bills to move their country forward.
    4 points
  31. What will it take to have common sense gun control. An eighteen year old can’t buy alcohol. An eighteen year old can’t rent a car. An eighteen year old can’t buy a hand gun(in Texas) But an eighteen year old CAN go out an buy an AR15 assault rifle! Really how f-ing stupid is that? And no, nobody is taking away your guns. If parents want to buy a gun for their kids, fine. Kids go hunting all the time with parents, or go to shooting ranges. But if that kid takes the gun and goes out a kills somebody with it, the parent should be liable for the actions. Just like if you supply alcohol to minors. You are responsible. And why in the hell can’t have background checks to make sure someone isn’t a wack job? Simple common sense. Is that to damn much to ask of the idiots in congress. I guess so, sadly!
    3 points
  32. Fingers crossed 🤞, here's hoping !! pp
    3 points
  33. Light those GREEN candles UP!!! NICE breakdown Dinarrock Poker player we might hit your 15.00 after hours.
    3 points
  34. MegaMillions 5/27/22 28 - 29 - 34 - 45 - 53 MB 11 PowerBall 5/28/22 02 - 31 - 34 - 44 - 47 PB 06
    3 points
  35. You're a very good person for your post. I appreciate your comments more then you could ever know. I'm calling this the post of the day. pp
    3 points
  36. Up 11% at lunchtime today. Let's light up those green candles!
    3 points
  37. Even if it hit 1cent I would be doing back flips!! If it hits 1.17, I will pay someone to do my backflips. 😆
    3 points
  38. MM 5/27/22 07-29-61-67-68 MB 03 PB 5/28/22. 08-10-24-25-68. PB 01
    3 points
  39. Barzani painted himself, into a corner. He wishes to retain political power. He said a few days ago that the Supreme Court of Iraq was not to be listened to, on it's ruling. This means war, if no deal is made. He knows that. The Kurdish elite painted themselves in a corner. They publically supported the dream of an independent Kurdistan. Over 90% of Kurds voted in favor of that dream, of Kurdish independence. But of course, that was an unworkable dream for many reasons. Like, Kurdistan is a land locked country that depends on Iraq, to get it's oil out. It's whole economy depends on outsiders who control oil flow...the main source of income. Also: Arabs are 80% of the Iraqi population. Trouble is the Kurds are badly outnumbered and there is no way the Arab 80% are going to let the Kurds leave. Not with all that money. Not with Kurdistan, floating in oil. Which means there is no way the Arab 80% are going to let the Kurds gain independence and take all those hundreds of billions away in a suitcase. Not happening. So the Kurdish elite like Barzani, they misled their people, lied to their people, told the Kurds they could be independent. That was all bullshit. If Barzani now tells them it was all bullshit, all along, the Kurdish people will turn on him, Barzani will lose power. He doesn't want that. And if Barzani continue lying to them, that won't work out either, because if they go to war, the Kurds will do very well in the short run, but in the long run they will lose badly. 🤷‍♀️ What to do? Barzani painted himself in a corner. What to do is bringing in the UN to make a deal, in order for Barzani to save face and keep holding on, to power. Good news for us, in my opinion. 🤝
    3 points
  40. Couldn't hurt. BM's to clear out the BS. Then a a shower cuz the "Stuff" gets all over us.
    3 points
  41. Thought I'd try for a Colonic Flush to see what condition my condition was in.🥸
    3 points
  42. One more thing the biggest movie of the year I think was just released today!! TOP GUN!!! I think this will have a huge huge huge opening weekend and it’s a 3 day weekend and for many a 4 day weekend since schools where I live ended today!! This should be a huge push for AMC stock come next Tuesday when the market opens since it’s closed on Monday for the holiday. When the market opens hopefully we have huge news releases on how much money Top Gun made this weekend!!! Oh and yes I fully 100% believe the dinar will come out at atleast $1.17 or higher!!!
    3 points
  43. Deputy for Fatah: The breakthrough in the Kurdish house will push the Shiite forces to consensus and form the government Time: 05/26/2022 22:09:28 Reading: 858 times {Politics: Al-Furat News} The representative of the Al-Fateh Alliance, Suhaila Al-Sultani, suggested that a breakthrough in the Kurdish House would push the Shiite forces to agree and form the government. Al-Sultani told Al-Furat News that: "Any move in the right direction will lead to a breakthrough in the current crisis, and there is a major crisis between the two Kurdish parties that has cast a shadow over the many understandings and negotiations. It is certain that any dissolution of the situation will cast a shadow over the entire political process." And she pointed out, "a lot of understandings and dialogues are taking place inside and outside the parliament between the political blocs to get out of the political impasse that Iraq suffers from." Al-Sahlani added, "The Kurdish House's breakthrough will push the Shiite component to follow suit like others, especially if an agreement is reached on a candidate for the presidency, it will certainly have a positive impact towards the election of the prime minister and the formation of the new government." as confirmed Al-Salami indicated that "many understandings, dialogues and visions in the future will serve the interest of the political process, and the framework has more than once presented its willingness to go to the opposition's option if all the correct opposition tools are available." "In order to be properly monitored, the presidencies of the parliamentary committees must be under the control of the opposition, and if such tools are available, it is certain to go to this option," she said. And she concluded, by saying, "The choice of the President of the Republic is an internal matter for the Kurdish component, and the name that will be proposed, we will agree to it, but if we have some reservations about the names of the candidate, she will be rejected." Today, Thursday, a closed meeting of the Kurdish parties was launched, in the presence of the representative of the Secretary-General of the United Nations, Jenin Plasshart. The Special Representative of the Secretary-General of the United Nations in Iraq and Head of the United Nations Assistance Mission for Iraq (UNAMI), Jenin Plasschaert, thanked the parties for their participation, and urged the continuation and intensification of efforts to address the multiple challenges facing the Kurdistan Region.
    3 points


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